That is mainly because of the different methodologies used in the various studies, but may also reflect some of the problems pointed out previously, particularly far from perfect conditions in the labour market. These issues are more or less standard reservations but there is one more point to be made. A large number of people engage in VET but the overall result in terms of human capital production is, surprisingly enough, not that great. Calculations of a nation's stock of human capital where VET constitutes a separate category are very unusual, but Ljungberg and Nilsson have presented estimates for Sweden for the period — They indicate that VET represents no more than 1—3 percent of the total stock of human capital, with the peak at 3 percent in Thus, in the Swedish context where the bulk of VET is provided in schools at the secondary level, the lower boundary is probably not very far from the correct value.
The conclusion is that VET has constituted only a minor part of the stock of human capital in Sweden over a long period of time and that this result probably also holds for several other countries. In conclusion and with all the problems in mind, it is hardly surprising that it is difficult to find hard empirical evidence that VET has significant effects on economic development.
The effects — if any — are probably small and difficult to detect. Thus, conclusions from the rate of return studies cannot be very strong. At most, they indicate that VET may constitute an engine of growth, but if so, that engine is not stronger than general secondary education. Problems with groups at risk in society seem to have increased in recent decades, although to some extent ongoing problems may now simply be better documented. The reasons for being at risk are different for each group as well as for parts of a group De la Fuente Anuncibay The European Commission has identified six priorities as crucial to promote social inclusion.
They include, in part, defensive measures such as the promotion of adequate social protection schemes, policies to reduce poverty among children, immigrants and ethnic minorities, and others. On the more proactive side, education in general and VET in particular are key elements in policies to counteract social exclusion. One active policy concerns the labour market but two priorities refer specifically to education and training European Commission, :. Making a concerted effort to prevent dropping out of school and promoting a smooth transition from school to the workplace.
There are two major and related reasons why education is a particularly important policy issue in this context. The first is that the schooling system is a major venue for transmitting values, norms and codes of behaviour to young people, or in other words, in their socialization. The second reason, and this is where the training part is more relevant, is in the transfer from school to work.
These two presumed effects are examined briefly in this and the following section. Before the Second World War and in many countries well into the s, schooling and the accompanying socialization process lasted for 6—8 years in primary school for the majority of the population. That challenge has a strong social component in that young people from homes with a weak academic tradition continue their education and training to a smaller extent than other social groups.
Because social recruitment to vocational programmes is less skewed than to theoretical programmes at the secondary level, an expansion of the former groups of programmes should enhance the total recruitment, and hence socialization of young people. However, this would not necessarily increase access to all types of vocational education.
In the Mediterranean countries, employers generally take a limited part in the provision of VET, and in most Central and Eastern European countries, the rebuilding of former socialist systems is still troublesome. The role of VET is dependent on the social and political contexts in which it operates. In particular, involvement from employers and trade unions seems to be crucial if VET is to have the desired effects of promoting social inclusion.
Promoting social inclusion requires further efforts. Since the s, attempts have been made in several European countries to revitalize the apprenticeship system, not least because of its socializing effects. This introduction coincided with the famous boom of the Irish economy, however, which renders it difficult to have strong opinions about causality.
One study claims that the new system facilitated the boom by providing central sectors, in particular the construction industry, with precisely the skills that were demanded O'Connor, Ryan , too, in a review of apprenticeships systems in smaller European Union EU countries, is very positive about the Irish system and holds that it demonstrates that institutions can be changed in a way that facilitates more efficient vocational education.
In fact, Ryan's paper is as much an assessment of England's failure to adapt its institutions to support the apprenticeship system that was reformed in the s. Subsequently, a number of changes have taken place, including a division between Foundation and Advanced apprenticeships. The English system has been meticulously investigated and in that process heavily criticized.
However, Guile and Okumoto argue that the reason for the employer's reluctance to be involved in apprenticeship training is precisely the government's attempts to promote educational goals. An even more critical assessment is made by Brockmann and her colleagues in a paper based on official reports. Some further examples can be found in Italy, Estonia and the Netherlands. In Estonia, a pilot project on apprenticeship became operational in It targets two groups, one of which is dropouts from school without a lower secondary education.
That target group is precisely the one apprenticeship programmes are supposed to reach. In the Netherlands, the social partners and the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science signed an agreement that was formalized by law in The agreement includes learn—work trajectories or unpaid apprenticeships that imply a closer cooperation between regional labour market authorities, companies, and schools in order to reduce dropout rates and put more emphasis on working and learning in practice examples can be found in the country reports in Cedefop, a.
These three cases demonstrate that various methods have been tried in different countries, because the experience from and status of apprentices differ. In part, the methods have been tried to reach those young people that enter neither vocational nor theoretical education. That group has been subject to a lot of attention because structural changes, at least in European countries, have more or less eroded their possibilities for entering the labour market without qualifications over and above comprehensive school Sanders, Recent research does not permit the drawing of strong conclusions concerning the effects of new initiatives in VET on social inclusion.
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However, the Irish case includes some unanswered questions because the system was implemented during an unprecedented economic boom. How will it fare during the present economic crisis that has hit the Irish economy hard? In addition, the new system was restricted to a limited number of sectors, completely dominated by men. How would it behave if it was expanded into a more comprehensive system?
The latter is in fact a concern of a general nature. In many of the countries that have reformed their systems, VET has traditionally been a marginal part of the education system. Increasing costs and difficulties in recruiting competent teachers, as well as problems in integrating graduates into the labour market, are among the most important ones Smith, Smith's study underlines that at least one conclusion can be drawn: merely changing parts of the VET system is insufficient to bring about significant changes in social inclusion.
It is also necessary — but much more difficult — to bring about changes in the institutional setting. That is perhaps the most important prerequisite for social inclusion. In many European countries, youth unemployment was below 5 percent in the early s.
The unemployment figures for young people have remained high if fluctuating ever since Cedefop, b , ch. VET has often been put forward as a particularly suitable remedy for youth unemployment. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that vocational training programmes, at least in the European countries, have been major recipients of funds designed for reduction in youth unemployment.
The results are mixed, which is hardly surprising because the causes behind increasing youth unemployment and the subsequent difficulties to reduce it are complex and intertwined. For that reason, it is unsatisfactory to look at youth unemployment per se ; instead, it is necessary to look at relative youth unemployment that is, unemployment in the under 25 year age group compared with unemployment in the 25—74 year age group as that largely cancels out differences in the macroeconomic development between countries. In principle, VET enhances the possibilities of getting access to the labour market in several, though not mutually exclusive, ways.
VET increases skills and competencies in young people, which make them more competitive in the labour market. However, as numerous studies have demonstrated that may not be the main reason why VET facilitates labour market entry. That effect is usually associated with an apprenticeship system. Relative youth unemployment has also been below the average in Ireland and in the Netherlands, two countries where the dual system is not a prominent feature. However, in these two countries, other forms of apprenticeship play an important role in the VET system Ryan, Source: Eurostat, This is an important reason for the present tendency in Europe to promote apprenticeship systems in countries where it has been playing only a minor role.
At the same time, it should be pointed out that young people are not necessarily attracted to apprenticeships. France reports that the number of apprenticeship contracts has declined in the recent years, and in the Netherlands and Finland, the number has stagnated. Similar developments are also reported from countries with an established dual system.
In Denmark and Germany, the number of apprenticeship contracts has diminished and the Federal Germany Ministry of Education has even expressed fears about the future of the system this paragraph is based on Nilsson, A crucial problem, however, is to ascertain causality between VET, irrespective of what form it takes, and improved chances to get access to the labour market.
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Steven McIntosh reports a positive association between vocational qualifications and being in employment in England, but also notes that the direction of causality is not clear McIntosh, He notes that these mechanisms seem to have had different effects in various countries, which implies that national institutions not only in the labour market are important.
Later studies have confirmed this assessment. However, they also found that the effect is stronger with higher previous education, and in particular, that the effects are very strong for a person with a tertiary education prior to the training programme. If anything, that probability was slightly lower for graduates from three years' programme in the first few years after graduation Hall, A related problem is nicely demonstrated by a study of subsidized apprenticeship in the former East Germany.
The subsidized programmes were previously open only to physically or mentally challenged persons as well as to disadvantaged young people. Thus, the relative attractiveness of vocational training programmes for young people with a weak academic background should have helped many to a position in the labour market. It is highly probable that the selection mechanisms for VET are different from those for secondary schooling of a more general or theoretical nature.
VET has for a long time been considered to be a suitable means to provide young people from groups with weak academic traditions with education over and above compulsory school. This leads to a different perspective on the relation between VET and unemployment: the indirect route which implies that in most countries, vocational training has been supplemented with theoretical studies to facilitate a transfer to higher education. It is equally well documented that the risk of unemployment generally decreases with the level of education. Several methods have been employed, over the years, to induce young people in vocational training to proceed to higher education but the results have been mixed.
In a summary paper, Tsakarissianos stresses that earlier reforms in comprehensive schools and a contemporary trend towards convergence between general and vocational education at the secondary level have increased vocational students' enrolment in higher education, but not by very much. For Sweden, Hall found that the extension of vocational programmes from 2 to 3 years' duration, a reform that was partly motivated with its potential to increase enrolment in higher education from vocational programmes, did not have that effect at all.
Tieben and Wolbers demonstrate that several changes in the Dutch secondary school system have implied that the effect of parents' education on young peoples' choice of educational path at the tertiary level has diminished. Hodgson and Spours investigate a new instrument in the English system — the 14—19 Diplomas that are intended to prepare young people for both employment and higher education. These diplomas are being gradually introduced from Earlier attempts General National Vocational Qualification and Advanced Vocational Certificate of Education to achieve similar goals have failed and the analysis by Hodgson and Spours suggests that there is a great risk that the new Diplomas will fail, too.
The uncertainty of the qualifications and the conservatism of higher education providers point in that direction. They find that students from vocational programmes have high aspirations but these seldom include the decision to proceed to higher education. A straightforward conclusion from this part of the review is that VET does improve the chances of young people to gain access to the labour market. There are, however, a number of caveats and qualifications that are highlighted in recent research.
In consequence, part of the employment effects of VET is because of selection effects. A second qualification is that employers' perception of VET is extremely important. The examples cited are from countries with quite different VET systems, which make the persistence in results even more interesting. Third, a finding and certainly a political conviction in many countries is that apprenticeship constitutes a superior form of VET in terms of future employment opportunities.
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The emotional action systems strong for the McMurry document can run acquired in two specialists. In many countries the youth unemployment rate is still very high and the job perspectives for young people are often limited at best. The contributions in this volume demonstrate that VET alone cannot solve these problems, but can be used to support a smooth transition from school to work.
If the quality of VET is high and the status and job expectations are good, VET can help to fill the skills gap, especially at the intermediate skill level. Furthermore, VET can also offer a realistic alternative to the university track for young people in many countries.