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Introduction

Everybody should understand this. The issue of Turkish membership has been contentious in Greece. A minority is affiliated with the Shi'a Alevi branch. Official population census polls in Turkey do not include information regarding a person's religious belief or ethnic background due to the regulations set by the Turkish constitution, which defines all citizens of the Republic of Turkey as Turkish in terms of nationality, regardless of faith or race.

There is a tradition of secularism in Turkey. The state has no official religion nor promotes any, and actively monitors the area between the religions. No party can claim that it represents a form of religious belief; nevertheless, religious sensibilities are generally represented through conservative parties. Turkey case on 10 November Cultural differences between Muslim majority Turkey and predominantly Christian Europe play an important part in the entire debate on Turkish accession to the European Union.

In an analysis, based on the World Values Survey , the social scientists Arno Tausch and Almas Heshmati came to the conclusion that a robust measurement scale of global economic, political and social values and Turkey's place on them wields only a very qualified picture of Turkey's place on the maps of global values. The study, which is based on 92, representative individuals with complete data in 68 countries, representing From nine dimensions for the determination of the geography of human values, based on a promax factor analysis of the available data, six factor analytical scores to calculate a new Global Value Development Index were used, which combines: avoiding economic permissiveness; avoiding racism; avoiding distrust of the army and the press; avoiding the authoritarian character; tolerance and respect; and avoiding the rejection of the market economy and democracy.

Turkey is ranked 25, ahead of several EU member countries. But there are still considerable deficits concerning the liberal values components, which are very important for an effective democracy. The deficits, the study argues, suggest that the Turkish state, Turkish civil society and European decision makers would be well advised to continue to support civil society and secular democracy in Turkey.

In , the French Foreign Minister Michel Barnier stated that Turkey must recognise the systematic massacres of Armenians in as a genocide. The President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz , stated that it must be a precondition for Turkey to recognise the systematic massacres of Armenians in as genocide.

The government of Turkey rejects such a precondition for EU membership and does not accept it as a part of the EU membership criteria. In , the European Parliament voted against a proposal to formally add the issue as a membership criterion for Turkey. Switzerland , the European Court of Human Rights judged that "The existence of a genocide, which was a precisely defined legal concept, was not easy to prove. The Court doubted that there could be a general consensus as to events such as those at issue, given that historical research was by definition open to discussion and a matter of debate, without necessarily giving rise to final conclusions or to the assertion of objective and absolute truths.

Article states that "a person who publicly insults the Turkish nation, the State of the Republic of Turkey, or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey , shall be punishable by imprisonment of between six months and two years" and also that "expressions of thought intended to criticise shall not constitute a crime. The EU was especially critical of this law during the September trial of novelist Orhan Pamuk over comments that recognised the deaths of thirty thousand Kurds and a million Armenians. Enlargement commissioner Olli Rehn and members of the European Parliament called the case "regrettable", "most unfortunate", and "unacceptable".

Turkey gave women the right to vote in for municipal elections. In this right was expanded for the national elections, while women were also given the right to become elected as MPs in the Turkish Parliament , or for being appointed as Ministers , Prime Minister , Speaker of the Parliament and President of the Republic. In its second report on women's role in social, economic and political life in Turkey, the European Parliament emphasised that respecting human rights, including women's rights, is an essential condition for Turkey's membership of the EU.

According to the report, Turkey's legal framework on women's rights "has in general been satisfactory, but its substantive implementation remains flawed. Turkey is one of two states along with Azerbaijan among the 47 members of the Council of Europe which refuse to recognise the status of conscientious objectors or give them an alternative to military service.

Public opinion in EU countries generally opposes Turkish membership, though with varying degrees of intensity. Nearly all citizens about 9 in 10 expressed concerns about human rights as the leading cause.


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The opening of membership talks with the EU in December was celebrated by Turkey with much fanfare, [] but the Turkish populace has become increasingly sceptical as negotiations are delayed based on what it views as lukewarm support for its accession to the EU and alleged double standards in its negotiations particularly with regard to the French and Austrian referendums. Moreover, Turks are divided on whether to join at all. A poll put Turkish support for accession to the EU at Then, we will regain the Turkish public opinion support in one day. As regards Turkey, the country is clearly far away from EU membership.

A government that blocks Twitter is certainly not ready for accession. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about accession negotiations process. Policies and related articles. Main article: Economy of Turkey. Beko and Vestel are among the largest producers of consumer electronics and home appliances in Europe.

Further information: Demographics of Turkey. Main article: Foreign relations of Turkey. Further information: Cyprus dispute. Further information: Greece—Turkey relations. Further information: Religion in Turkey and Secularism in Turkey. Main articles: Censorship in Turkey and Article Further information: Women in Turkey. Turkey portal European Union portal. Retrieved 21 February Central Intelligence Agency. Archived from the original on 6 July Retrieved 26 August European Commission. Archived PDF from the original on 21 November Retrieved 17 December Retrieved 14 May Cyprus Mail.

Die Zeit. Archived from the original on 27 September Retrieved 4 July Council of Europe. Archived from the original on 7 December Retrieved 30 October Archived from the original on 1 November Embassy of the Republic of Turkey in London. Retrieved 5 September Archived from the original on 9 January Retrieved 7 June But how far can it go? The Economist.

Questioning EU Enlargement

Archived from the original on 11 January Archived from the original on 15 July Retrieved 9 February Anadolu Agency. Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Archived from the original on 27 June Retrieved 13 April Retrieved 4 November Financial Times. Retrieved 21 June Retrieved 23 September Today's Zaman.

Archived from the original on 9 November Retrieved 10 November Retrieved 22 November Retrieved 24 November Carnegie Europe. Council of the European Union. Retrieved 29 March Retrieved 25 June Retrieved 20 December Archived from the original on 22 December Archived from the original on 8 July Archived from the original on 8 June Retrieved 17 June Archived from the original on 24 September Retrieved 27 November Archived from the original on 5 November Retrieved 5 November Retrieved 30 June Retrieved 23 April EU Observer.

Hurriyet Daily News. University of Bath Library. University of Birmingham Libraries. University of Bristol Libraries. British Library. Brunel University London Library. University of Cambridge Libraries. University of Glasgow Library. LSE Library. Leeds Beckett University Library. University of Leeds Library. The Treaties give legal boundaries and impose to a certain extent a geographical dimension to enlargement and subsequently as well to the Enlargement Strategy.

Consequently, enlargement is limited to a certain number of European countries. Both strategies, enlargement and ENP, have to some extent a geopolitical limitation. On the one hand, countries that are targeted by the Enlargement Strategy have to be European —as laid down in the European Treaties—. On the other hand, countries targeted by the ENP can but do not have to be European, they just have to be EU neighbours. The eligibility of countries for one of the policy fields or neither remains unclear and imprecise, and therefore lacks coherence.

European states which are theoretically eligible to become members one day are being selectively excluded from the ENP. But, as mentioned above, the absence of a specific accession timetable leads to a certain undermining of their status as candidate countries within the scope of the Enlargement Strategy. Therefore, the inclusion of the Western Balkans in the ENP would have had its legitimacy as well, and at present would even be more coherent.


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On the other hand, concerning the ENP countries whose European status cannot be denied, one could question the legitimacy of this institutionalised exclusion and wonder why they are not included in the Enlargement Strategy. Furthermore, there are other EU neighbours —impeccably European—, such as Iceland, Norway, Switzerland, Liechtenstein and even Russia, [64] that do not belong to any of the two strategies but are indisputably —from a historical-geographical point of view— European neighbours.

The Enlargement Strategy follows the clear objective of proposing membership to European candidate countries; the ENP, on the contrary, does not offer EU membership but can neither completely exclude membership. Nevertheless, the idea of a membership prospect remains in both strategies. This creates conflict and frustration not only in member states but also in the ENP or enlargement countries.

At the same time, some neighbouring countries have a clear vision of becoming EU members one day. As the EU did not want to definitively close the door to these aspirants, the ENP was a useful mean of binding them to the EU without offering membership, which is nevertheless limited to the long term. It is not only difficult to disconnect the two policy fields completely in political and geographical terms, but also because closely related objectives and very similar instruments and measures are used in both fields.

Regarding the Enlargement Strategy, the EU ties the possible accession of a new member state to the fulfilment of the so called Copenhagen Criteria, also involving integration capacity as a lead principle. Neighbourly commitments, especially in the form of the ENP instrument, are conditioned to the implementation of political and economic reforms of the countries concerned. From an institutional viewpoint, enlargement and ENP have been clearly disconnected from each other.

However, analysing the two strategies and taking into consideration their development over the past five years, a complete disconnection does not bear scrutiny. The clear distinction has also shifted in the public discourse concerning these policies. The shift towards vaguer lines of separation between the two strategies has mainly been promoted under the pressure from new member states. Poland, Rumania and Hungary, in particular, are in favour of a far more flexible idea of the ENP, advocating quite firmly, for instance, future EU membership for the Ukraine and Moldova.

This is where the ENP originated. A more or less coherent framework for heterogeneous countries with very different characteristics, ambitions and problems was necessary. It can nevertheless be asserted that the ENP has not yet matured and has certain weaknesses with which the EU will have to deal.

The ultimately unclear ENP involves the risk that, thanks to the emergence of this separate category of states, a Europe of EU insiders and outsiders will become entrenched, leading in turn to new dividing lines, which is precisely what the ENP should prevent. For the time being, it is unrealistic to drop either of the two strategies as initially conceptualised and institutionalised.

Deniz Devrim and Evelina Schulz. WP 13/2009 - 10/3/2009

Analysing the available documents it can be seen that neither the institutional side nor the member states want to do this. The possibility of fully merging the Enlargement Strategy into the ENP might be discussed in the future, but for the moment the idea is premature. Since merging the two strategies is not possible, new proposals are being launched as complements or alternatives. So far, several initiatives for new regional cooperation forms have been proposed: the Barcelona Process, the Union for the Mediterranean, the Eastern Partnership and the Union of the Black Sea. The progeny of Enlargement and ENP, ie, the result of their cooperation, is something in between the two policies, with elements from both and covering countries that are part of both policies, such as the Union for the Mediterranean, the Eastern Partnership or the possible Union of the Black Sea.

Never have there been so many initiatives in the field of EU foreign policy in such a short time, involving new forms of cooperation between the EU and its neighbourhood. Hence, the more southerly EU states eg, France and Spain vigorously promote the interests of the states bordering the EU on the Mediterranean, whereas the Central and Eastern European states eg, Germany and Poland lobby more strongly for the Eastern neighbours. The ENP has been used to combine the individual interests of member states in the European neighbourhood constructively into one European framework.

One of the driving forces for the proposal of new regional partnerships such as the Union for the Mediterranean or the recently proposed Eastern Partnership is the different national interests of the member states. They did not adequately anticipate the strong lobbying in favour of the Ukraine by the new Eastern EU member states like Poland. At the time the ENP was conceptualised, the countries of Eastern European were not yet members and the strong cultural and historical links with the Ukraine were not visible.

Therefore, the discussion about whether the Ukraine should be included in the enlargement strategy was not put on the agenda. Therefore, the EU now has an interest in security and stability around the Black Sea.

2020 European Union Drone Laws - questions and answers

After having approved a re-launch of the Barcelona Process establishing the Union for the Mediterranean in the South, immediately two initiatives for the East and the South-east followed. In June , the Council called on the Commission to prepare a proposal for the modalities of this new partnership, as done before for the Union for the Mediterranean. Secondly, the already existing idea of the Black Sea Synergy received a new impetus. In July , just after the Paris summit, the European Parliament declared itself in favour of the future establishment of a so called Union of the Black Sea, which would have the Union for the Mediterranean as a model and be a concrete follow up of the Black Sea Synergy paper, from November Neighbours and member states have interests in closer and more exclusive cooperation forms which show up the deficits of enlargement and ENP.

The promotion by certain member states or political groups of the Union for the Mediterranean and possible other partnerships in the European neighbourhood or even beyond show that there is a search for other opportunities of political cooperation besides the existing structures in the EU frameworks eg, Enlargement, ENP, Strategic Partnerships. References in EU documents to these types of Unions or their inclusion in official strategies or political activities become more and more evident and numerous. The initial motivation for the French President Nicolas Sarkozy to launch the Union for the Mediterranean, for example, was undoubtedly read as a proposal to find alternatives to enlargement, especially regarding Turkey.

The inclusion of all these different types of countries under one framework —the Union for the Mediterranean— is proof of the misleading conception of a clear division between enlargement and ENP. By these means, all sorts of distinguishing criteria concerning EU Member States, enlargement and ENP —such as eligibility for membership— become questionable. In addition, it is remarkable that these types of new regional partnerships are actually called Unions. The EU itself needed a long time to find its current name and to call itself a Union. Hence, the EU would directly compete with other political formations acting as regional, or even international, political players with a very similar geographical scope.

Besides this, the political impact of cooperating or even participating with —or in— the EU could lose its strategic meaning for third countries. It could be asked why a partner country, which already cooperates very closely with the EU and is member in a range of different regional cooperation forms such as the Union for the Mediterranean or the Union of the Black Sea , should still have the determination to join the EU.

On the other hand, as the establishment of these new Unions is so strongly supported by the EU itself, the interpretation of the Unions being alternatives to EU membership is evident. Third countries with strong EU membership aspirations could understand this tendency as a substitution for their political objective of joining the EU one day.

Furthermore, the strategic purpose of these new partnerships remains unclear and very vague. The question whether the Unions are conceptualised to give alternatives to full EU membership in the future and therefore might offer the possibility of membership in a different Union than the EU to candidate countries or countries with recognised EU membership prospects remains unanswered. In its formulations the resolution remains rather unclear, treating topics of the European Neighbourhood Policy in a report that should deal with enlargement and therefore undermining the core idea of the Enlargement Strategy and mingling it with the ENP.

The resolution underlined that Turkey could play an important role by participating in both the Union for the Mediterranean and the Union of the Black Sea. Proposing these new roles to candidate countries in an enlargement resolution diminishes their political status as candidate countries, lumping them together in a Union with any other ENP partner or —in the case of Russia— not even an ENP partner.

The Enlargement Strategy has therefore to be reconsidered and provided with new instruments. Enlargement must not become an automatism. Placing this proposition in the enlargement resolution, instead of the upcoming ENP resolution, proves a clear tendency towards dissolving the Enlargement Strategy. However, it remains open for interpretation whether and in which direction these concentric circles should develop and whether they should be an inclusive part of the Enlargement Strategy or the ENP.

The Europeanisation of the Western Balkans | SpringerLink

While the enlargement resolution in actually focused —as the title itself indicates— on enlargement, in the EP favoured intermediate steps and alternative forms of regional cooperation and raised the possibility of introducing different modes of cooperation that mix enlargement policies and ENP the Union for the Mediterranean, Eastern Partnership and Union of the Black Sea.

The European Parliament has recently shown itself more critical towards enlargement than the Commission. Turkey is being cited only in the context of establishing a Union of the Black Sea whereas ongoing accession negotiations are not even mentioned. They must also accomplish this without giving rise to a sense of frustration in third countries or jeopardising the interests of the individual member states, while also maintaining the impetus for institutional reform and countering the increasing enlargement fatigue in the EU itself.

Besides the necessity of reforming EU institutions before accepting any new members, an extraordinary effort should be made to present enlargements as a success story. Positive attitudes in the member states and among its citizens are becoming increasingly important for the positive outcome of the enlargement process. Members of the European Parliament often underline that while the addition of 10 new countries in was a success, not all citizens see it that way. In the absence of an overall positive assessment of enlargement, it is likely that it will not be an issue in the forthcoming European elections in In the European elections of enlargement was an important issue on the agenda.

First, because the elections took place just after the conclusion of the large May enlargement. Secondly, because enlargement was still considered a European success story —reunifying the European continent and achieving a historical triumph—. And thirdly, campaigning for future enlargement the Western Balkans and Turkey gave the political parties the possibility of continuing a discourse of enlargement as a success story, presenting themselves as contributors, and to differentiate their political programmes from each other.

This was especially the case with the Greens, Liberals and Socialists. For the European elections of it can be expected that enlargement fatigue and the widespread mistrust in the EU and its political project in general as seen in the slow ratification progress of the Lisbon Reform Treaty will prompt political parties to refrain from the sensitive issue of enlargement in their campaigns.

Politicians in the old member states in particular will still have to explain the need for the fifth enlargement round. Concerns regarding future enlargement are often expressed by political leaders. Calls for the consolidation of the EU before further enlargement had also been made in the past, but the problem now it that they might actually lead to referendums on the issue.