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Legend Rex Guido de Cipro. Seal of Richard 1 The date of this seal is Notice the extreme length of the sword as compared with that of Louis VII. Knights Fighting The manuscript Reg. XXVII are to be found at the foot of most pages, and in many cases are crowded with figures.

Unfortunately bad colours were used, and in many places the paint has now peeled off or worn away. They may have been in better condition when Shaw made his drawings ; otherwise he has certainly given his copies a finish which the original barely justifies. On many pages towards the end of the volume only the outline of the picture has been sketched ; in other places their out- lines are only partly filled in with colours. The figure of the knight shows clearly the laces which fastened the armoured hood — or perhaps the movable ventaille — down to the grand hauberk or tunic.

It also seems to show thigh pieces, distinct both from the hauberk and the greaves, which cover the fore part of the leg below the knee. The sur- coat, or coat-of-arms, shows that this drawing can hardly be earlier than A. John and commanded the roads from Emesa and Hamah to Tripoli and Tortosa. The castle is still much as it was when the Franks left it in a. James de Vitry was the historian of the Fifth Crusade, and indeed of the whole kingdom from to his own day.

Besant of Hugh I. Seal of Frederick II. Seal of Louis IX. The other effigy is traditionally that of his son, the William Longsword mentioned in the text. If this is really the tomb of William Longsword II. Seal of Philip III. This is a splendid example of the luxurious blazonry now so fully in vogue, with coat-of-arms, horse barding and vizored helmet all complete. Seal of Edward I. Notice the vizored helmet com- pletely hiding the face, the coat-of-arms worn over the hauberk and the horse barding. Compare the seal of Richard I. Seal of John de Montfort, Lord of Tyre and Toron 41 i He was son of Philip de Montfort, a cousin of the famous Earl Simon of Leicester, who married the heiress of Toron, and acquired Tyre after the expulsion of Richard Filangier, in which he took a prominent part ; he died November 27th, Acre as it was about a.

The work was intended to urge upon the Church and princes of Western Europe the duty of a new Crusade. It was by the Turris Maledicta — name of ill-omen — that Khalil forced his entry. Esdras, c. The Age of the Pilgrims, The history of Syria is, to some extent at least, a synopsis of the history of the world ; and the land itself is a palimpsest, from which the records of later civilisations have failed to obliterate entirely those of earlier times. Syria, indeed, is marked out by nature as a meeting-place of the nations. Westward it looks towards Europe, th. No wonder that Syria has been the battlefield of the dominant powers of the world.

Yet later this land beheld the struggle of Heraclius with Chosroes, of Mohammedan with Byzantine, of Turk with Saracen, and Crusader with Turk — all phases in the immemorial conflict of East and West. But Syria has been something more to the world than this. Through the enterprise of the Semitic inhabitants of her coast, the germs of Babylonian culture were carried to the Aryan races of the West Then, when her commercial mission was over, she fell beneath, first the Greek, and afterwards the Roman, and through their double agency imparted to the world that spiritual life which had found its cradle in the uplands of Palestine.

There is no decisive evidence as to the exact date when the custom of pilgrimages to the Holy Land first obtained in the Christian Church. To the early Christians Jerusalem may well have seemed the citv of the wrath rather than of the love of God. But when Christianity found a champion in Con- stantine the Great, Jerusalem began to raise its head among the cities of the world. Constantine him- self is credited with the intention of a visit to the Holy Land, and from this time we can trace the his- tory of the sacred pilgrimages from century to cen- tury.

That emperor was yet alive when a pilgrim from Bordeaux made the journey by land to Jerusa- lem, and left a record which still survives. In the Holy City he saw the pool of Solomon, the pinnacle whence Satan tempted Christ to throw Himself, and the little hill of Golgotha, which was the scene of the Crucifixion.

At other places, too, he notes with care whatever events in Scripture history had made them famous. Clearly men were already seeking to identify the chief scenes of the sacred narrative, although in their credulity they were ready to accept whatever absurdities invention might offer ; such, for instance, as the sycamore tree into whicfi Zacchaeus had climbed. By the end of the fourth century the practice of pilgrimages had so much increased as to give rise to the custom of collecting alms for the relief of the poor at Jerusalem.

It was well, contended St. A hundred and fifty years later, after the city had been adorned by the splendid buildings of Justinian, they cannot have been less in number. But already' a power was rising which was to overthrow Persian and Roman alike. Even before Heraclius attained the zenith of his fortunes the flight of Mohammed from Mecca had marked for the world of Islam the beginning of a new era. No language can give an adequate idea of the fervour of the adherents of the new creed. Mohammed was hardly 1 Amongst those who described the Holy Land during the fifth and sixth centuries we have the famous Eucherius of Lyons a.

For a moment in it had even seemed that both the Roman civilisation and Christian faith must perish from the shores of the Bosphorus. But a deliverer appeared in the person of Leo the Is- aurian, who with his successors, if unable to prevent, could at least take vengeance for, the inroads of the Mohammedans. But the early enthusiasm of the new faith soon began to wax cold, and by the middle of the tenth centuty the Mohammedan world was in its turn tending to dissolution. The provincial governors rendered a merely nominal allegiance to the Caliph, whilst the sciiism of the Sunnites and Shiites had put on ever new forms, and from a rivalry of faith had produced a rivalry of temporal power.

The vast body of Sunnites reverenced the orthodox Abbaside Caliph at Bagdad ; though in Spain a rival dynasty of Omayyad princes established the Saracen Cali- phate of Cordova. Yet a third Caliphate of Shiites has a more important bearing on Crusading history.

The Second Crusade 1148: Disaster outside Damascus

Moizz became master of Syria also, and both he and his successor, El-Aziz, showed themselves very friendly to the Christians. Indeed the Ismai- lians, by the very nature of their creed, which taught that absolute truth could only be attained by slow degrees, and lay concealed under many forms of faith, were bound to display a tolerance strange to the ages wherein they flourished. During all these centuries Palestine had lain sub- ject to the Mohammedan power.

It was one of the first of all the Saracen conquests, achieved in the time of Omar, the second Caliph, whilst the new faith was yet in the first flush of its vigour. Yet none the less, there seems to have been little or no cessation in the stream of pilgrims from the West. Among the first of the pilgrims to the Holy Land during the time of the Mohammedan domination was a certain French bishop, Arculf.

Arculf likewise visited Jericho, and bathed in the milk-white waters of Jordan. Then he journeyed north, and on his way saw the locusts on which John the Baptist had fed, and the three Tabernacles that now crowned the mountain of the Transfiguration. Afterwards he visited in turn Damascus and Tyre, Alexandria and Constantinople, whence he returned by sea to Rome, and so to his native France.

There are few or no traces of the pilgrimage of our English ancestors to the Holy Land during the first centuries after their conversion. For them it would seem that the nearer splendour of Rome had more attraction than the remote squalor of Jerusalem. In one instance, however, the Roman pilgrimage was but the first stage in the journey of an Englishman to Jerusalem. Willibald was a kinsman of Boniface, the Apostle of Germany. Accompanied by his father and brother, Wanebald, he travelled across France and into Italy. There his father died at Lucca, and at Rome Wanebald fell ill of a fever.

Willibald then continued his journey with two comrades, and reached Palestine by way of Sicily, Ephesus, and Cyprus. The master of the ship in which they had come from Cyprus was brought before Yazid, who asked whence the strangers came. They have done us no wrong ; set them free. Willibald spent a considerable time in Palestine, and made four separate visits to Jerusalem. In the Holy City he purchased some of the costly balm for which Jericho was famous.

This balm was so precious that its export was forbidden ; but Willi- bald hid his treasure in a vessel partly filled with petroleum, so that when he embarked at Tyre the strong-smelling oil threw the custom officers off the scent. From Tyre Willibald went to Constantinople, and thence, after two years, to Rome. He had been absent ten years, and now retired for a like period to Monte Casino, which he only left to join Boniface in Germany. By Boniface he was consecrated Bishop of Eichstadt, and after holding that see forty- four years, died in Red Sea.

Whether or how Fidelis reached Palestine Dicuil does not tell. At the end of the century the great Emperor Charles, whom legends long after represented as a Crusader before the Crusades, opened up fresh com- munications between the East and West. When his political ambitions bade fair to involve him in conflict with the Emperor of the East, he found a useful ally in the great Abbaside Caliph Hdrun-el Rashid.

Harun received the Frank ambassadors with kindness, and sent their master many presents, including his only ele- phant, Abulabaz, which Charles had desired to possess. Beyond all else he is said, by a contemporary writer, to have granted the great Emperor the Holy Places at Jerusalem. To this community, Charles himself gave a copy of the Rule of St.

Benedict, and a letter is still preserved, wherein the- monks complain to Charles that they had been ejected on Christmas Day from the church at Bethlehem. The almsgiving of the great Emperor, which ex- tended to Carthage and Alexandria, did not neglect Jerusalem. More than fifty years later Bernard of St. II tended for the slave markets of the East. There they found their letter of recommendation from the Saracen governor of Bari useless, and they had to pay thirteen-pence each for fresh passports. These latter only carried them to Babylon of Egypt, where a like pay- ment had to be made before they could proceed in safety to Jerusalem.

For a description of the Holy Sepulchre, he refers his readers to Bede ; but he saw or heard of a wonder concerning which Bede is silent. From the flame thus kindled, the patriarch gives a light to the bishops and the rest of the people, so that each may have a light to himself in his own home. Michael in Brittany circa A. The old path to the Holy City along the great roads of the Empire, through Constantinople and across Asia Minor to Antioch was, it is true, now closed ; closed it may be from the very days when the Huns made themselves masters of the Danube valley.

Probably, however, the pilgrims made their journeys as before ; there was no breach of custom, but merely a change of route. But Bernard pays a higher tribute to the good order and religious moderation which characterised the Eastern Caliphate in his days. At Beneventum the Christian folk had murdered their own prince, and destroyed all Christian law, till Louis, grandson of Charles the Great, introduced some kind of dis- cipline. Worse than this, the roads leading to Rome were so thronged with banditti, that no one could reach St.

This state of misrule Bernard contrasts with the peace prevailing in the Mohammedan lands through which he travelled. But if in any city, or on any bridge or road they find a man journeying, whether by day or by night, without some charter and seal from the king or ruler of the district, he is straightway thrust into prison till he can give an account of himself whether he be a spy or not.

At the end of the tenth century the great kingdoms of mediaeval Europe were assuming a definite shape. In Spain the Christian kingdoms were growing daily at the expense of the decaying Caliphate of Cordova. In other lands the crown of Lombardy already was, and that of Burgundy soon was to be, annexed to the German realm. For the kingdom of the Eastern Franks had now, through the vigour of the three Ottos, entered on its more distinctively German phase.

The papacy, that power whose enmity was to be the ruin of German king and Roman emperor alike, was at this period sunk in the lowest depths of insignificance and vice. From those depths first the Ottos and then the Henrys made a brave effort to raise it. But it was not till the days of Gregory VII. When at length the cloud was lifted a spirit of piety seems to have seized upon all classes.

The Peace of God was already formulated in Southern France ; but of all the characteristics of the new era the most remarkable was the zeal for pilgrimages. No class and no sex was free from this passion. First of all went die meaner folk, then men of middle rank, and, lastly, very many kings and counts, marquises and bishops ; aye, and a thing that had never happened before, many women bent their steps in the same direction.

For ages the land route to Jerusalem had been practically barred, and would-be travellers like Willibald or Bernafcl forced to sail across the Mediterranean to Ephesus or Alexandria. But about the year the old route was opened up once more. At length, after a life of bloodshed and battle, he was moved by the fear of hell to go as a pilgrim to Jerusalem. At Jerusalem, so runs the story, he had to purchase an entrance for himself and his comrades ; and to the Holy Sepulchre he was only admitted on promise of an insult to the cross of Christ, a hard necessity from which he escaped by a subterfuge.

However he contrived to bite off a bit of the stone, which he brought home as a precious relic for his abbey of Beaulieu. Later on Fulk made a third pilgrimage, and died on his way back at Metz in Those princes who could not themselves go on the pilgrimage displayed their religious feelings by their habitual piety. Robert I. Richard II. William III. James at Compostella. Duke William himself never went as far as Jerusalem, but his trusty councillor William of Angouleme went there with many nobles and bishops passing through Hun- gary in the days of King Stephen.

Their gorgeous apparel excited the cupidity of the Saracens, and they fled for refuge to a fort, where they defended them- selves during three days, but at last offered all their money in return for their lives, and admitted seven- teen of the Arabs within the walls. At this act of episcopal valour the Christians regained their courage, bound the Saracens who had entered the fort, and renewed the contest with those outside. At last the Saracen lord of Ramleh came to the rescue, and under his guidance the pilgrims visited Jerusalem in safety.

But only two thousand lived to return to Europe. We must now return to the course of events in the internal history of the East itself, and more particu- larly of Syria during the first three-quarters of the eleventh century. At the beginning of that era Jerusalem was subject to the Fatimite Caliph of a.

The Second Crusade and the Cistercians

El- Hakim, the then Caliph, had succeeded as a boy of eleven in A. El- Hakim did not share his liberality; first he put restrictions on Jews and Chris- tians, then, according to Ralph Glaber on September 29, , he ordered the destruction of the Holy Sepulchre itself. False though the rumour was, it became the pretext for the widespread persecution of the Jews in Christian lands.

Eastern historians, however, show that El-Hakim was the impartial op- pressor of Jew and Christian alike, imposing absurd but harassing restrictions on the members of either creed. It was less than twenty years after the death of El- 1 The destruction does not, however, seem to have been very com- plete. The Sepulchre was indeed restored by.

Hakim himself in the following year. In Masud the Ghaznevid was defeated by the Seljukian Turks, who thereupon chose for their sovereign Toghrul Beg, the grandson of Seljuk, a Turkish chief who had adopted Moham- medanism and founded a principality in the neigh- bourhood of Samarcand. Toghrul rapidly extended his conquests over all Persia, and into regions further west. The effeminate Abbasides had long possessed but the shadow of power, and the reality now passed to Toghrul, who was eventually in invested with the dignity of Sultan or vicegerent for the Caliph in the orthodox Mohammedan world.

Toghrul was succeeded in by his nephew Alp Arslan, under whose leadership the Seljuks conquered Armenia, and defeated the Emperor Romanus Diogenes at the great battle of Manzikert in August, After the captivity of Romanus Diogenes, the Byzantine Empire became the prey of imperial pretenders, who appealed without scruple to the aid of Norman and even of Turkish arms. During this period Asia Minor was so ravaged by the Turkish hordes, that almost the whole peninsula was within a few years lost to civilisation.

But the power of the Turks was not the only danger which threatened the empire of Alexius ; the Normans, under Robert Guiscard, were at the same time cutting short his dominions on the shores of the Adriatic. Like his predecessors, Alexius had recourse to foreign arms for assistance and support. Chief amongst the mercenary leaders in the reign of Romanus had been the Norman Ursel, who was perhaps a far-off kinsman of our own English and Scottish house of Balliol. Nor were the Latins without some feeling of sympathy for the affliction of the Eastern Christians.

It is, however, certain that seventy years afterwards the profound statecraft of Gregory VII. In an urgent letter he called upon all Christian warriors to take up arms on behalf of Constantinople. Alexius I. A letter purporting to be an appeal from him to Robert, Count of Flanders, brother-in-law of William the Conqueror, has been preserved in more than one form. As regards its actual wording it may be a forgery, but it certainly dates from the early years of the twelfth century and, as Robert had visited Constantinople whilst on a pil- grimage to Jerusalem, there is nothing improbable in the appeal.

Tutush, brother of Malek Shah, had established himself at Damascus, and about granted Jerusalem to Ortok the Turk, from whose son Sokman, the Egyptian vizir El-Afdal captured it in But before the coming of the first Crusaders the East had obtained a tem- porary relief through the death, on the 18th of November, , of Malek Shah, the noblest of the Seljukian Sultans, whose empire extended from the borders of China to the southern frontiers of Pales- tine. Reference has already been made to the definite shape that the kingdoms of Western Europe had begun to assume at the opening of the eleventh century.

For four hundred years previously Europe had been devastated by three great plagues, against which, in her divided state, she could make no effectual resist- tance. Yet it was, to no small extent, to the resistance offered to these three scourges that the feudal Europe of the Middle Ages owed its shape.

Out of resistance to the Saracens arose the notion of religious war on a large scale ; out of resistance to the Northmen rose the sense of national danger, which was ultimately to produce the sense of national unity ; through resist- ance to the Hungarian invasion, the great rulers of the Saxon house made good their claim to the German kingship and all it brought in its train, the kingship of Italy, and the Empire of Rome. But amongst all the incidents which these troubles gave rise to, there is none of such interest for our present subject as the settlement of the Normans in Southern Italy.

An eleventh-century legend tells how forty Norman warriors, returning from a pil- grimage to Jerusalem, found the Saracens besieging Salerno. They eagerly offered their aid to Guaymar, the Lombard prince of the city ; and, when success crowned their efforts, refused to accept any money payment for what they had done out of love for God. The Greek emperors were then striving to recover the land from the Saracens and Lombards. The confusion was favourable to the new-comers, who further were aided by Melo, an Apulian rebel against the Emperor, and under their leader, Count Ranulf, the Normans fortified them- selves near Aversa.

Some years later the elder sons of Tancred of Hauteville, of whom the most famous were Robert Guiscard and Roger, came forward as chiefs of the new settlement. The conquerors were, however, eager to find a legal title for their authority. This they secured when, in , they defeated and took prisoner Pope Leo IX.

His subjects found in the weakness of a divided regency a fit opportunity for revolt, and hardly had the young king come to manhood when a yet greater danger appeared without. Gregory VII. Gregory from Rome. Henry was forced to retire by the approach of the Normans under Guiscard ; but Gregory could not recover his city, and died as an exile at Salerno, leaving the contest to his successors' — in full confidence as to its ultimate issue. Indeed, despite the sadness of his last days, Gregory's labours had ensured the consolidation of the papal power.

Popes Zachary and Hadrian I. Nicholas I. But the ambition of such pontiffs did no more than furnish a foundation for the lofty and wide- spreading pretensions of a later age. The next century and a half forms the most degraded epoch in the papal annals, and it was Gregory who was the true creator of the mediaeval papacy.

It was that contest which gave to the popes their position as the spiritual heads of Christendom, and enabled them to preach with success the Crusade against the Saracen. He left his duchy to his son Roger, and his ambitious projects in the East to Bohemond. Thus neither Robert nor Gregory lived to take part in the Holy War, for which they both had consciously or unconsciously laboured. Tradition, indeed, makes a simple hermit the prime mover in the first crusade, and to his history we must now turn.

There is little in the legend of Peter the Hermit which may not very well be true, and the story as it stands is more plausible than if we had to assume that tradition had transferred the credit of the First Crusade from a pope to a simple hermit. In the more sober writings of contemporaries, there is no proof that Peter the Hermit stirred up Urban to his great achievement, nor indeed that he was present at the Council of Clermont at all. In Guibert of Nogen t he appears as the apostle of one district of Northern France ; and, though a contemporary chronicler seemingly takes him to the borders of Spain, it is more probable that his preaching and influence were confined to a very limited area.

About the year Peter the Hermit, a native of Amiens or its neighbourhood, went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Here his soul was stirred by the horrors that he witnessed, in the pollution of the Holy Places, and the cruel oppression of the native Christians and of the pilgrims from distant lands. The Patriarch, when appealed to by Peter, could only lament his own powerlessness and his dread of worse in store unless their brothers in the west should send them aid. At his entreaty Peter promised to rouse the princes of Europe to a sense of the sad condition of the Holy City.

Before all else he bound himself to visit the Pope and enlist his sympathies on the same side. Weary with watching, at length he fell asleep. As he slumbered Christ appeared to him in a vision, and bade him hasten home to accomplish his task. Urban proved a ready listener, and was easily induced to promise his aid. Urban II.

The church was not sufficient to hold the crowds that assembled, and mass was celebrated in the fields, where doubtless the multitude listened to the impassioned language in which the Eastern envoys appealed to their brethren of the West for aid against their pagan foes.

Urban at once displayed his interest in the pro- posal, and induced many to pledge themselves to such a holy service. A second co. These versions may be copies of encyclical letters from the Pope to the Churches of the West, or the compositions of the historians themselves.

But in either case they represent the aspirations and breathe the spirit which impelled the first Crusaders to relinquish wife and child and home for the sake of Christ. When the strictly ecclesiastical business of the council was completed, Urban preached to the assembled multitude, exchanging the language of the universal Latin Church for the French speech that had been familiar to him in his youth. To the French warriors the first truly French Pope could speak in his own and their mother tongue. He painted in vivid colours the sad necessity that had brought him back to Gallic soil ; he told how the cries from threatened Constantinople and down-trodden Jeru- salem had long been ringing in his ears.

Within all this region the Christians had been led off to slavery, their homes laid waste, their churches overthrown. Antioch, once the city of Peter, was given over to Mohammedan superstition. Then Urban appealed to the proud knights stand- ing by, and asked, how they were busying themselves in these fateful days, shearing their brethren like sheep, and quarrelling one with another. They were changing the deeds of a knight for the works of night. It will be a goodly thing to die in that city, where Christ died for you.

You dwell in a land narrow. Your numbers overflow, and hence you devour one another in wars. Let these home discords cease. Start upon the way to the Holy Sepulchre ; wrench the land from the accursed race, and subdue it to yourselves. Thus shall you spoil your foes of their wealth and return home victorious, or, purpled with your own blood, receive an everlast- ing reward.

It were better to die in warfare than behold the evils that befall the Holy Places. Deus Vult! It is the will of God! Wherefore I tell you it is God who has inspired you with His voice. To each class was assigned its special share in the glorious work. No woman was to venture, unless in the company of husband or brother. Priests and clerks were not to start without the leave of their superior, nor any layman without the blessing of his priest. The rich were to aid in proportion to their wealth, and even to hire soldiers for the field.

All these elaborate injunctions can hardly have been given out on one day : it is more likely that the historian is here speaking proleptically, for he certainly wrote at a date, when experience had proved the impossibility of conducting an unarmed rabble through so vast a space of unknown land.

The enthusiasm reached its height when the envoys of Count Raymond of Toulouse, declared that their lord, the most powerful prince of Southern France, had pledged himself to go on the Crusade. Not only would he conduct a mighty host from his own domains, but he was willing to give his counsel and wealth to all intending pilgrims. Moreover, it was announced that Adhemar, the bishop of Puy, would go with the lord of Toulouse, and so in their persons the people of God would find a new Aaron and a new Moses. Urban himself was foremost in the work of dis- tributing the crosses.

All who took the cross did so of their own accord ; there was no compulsion, but there must be no turning back.

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At length with the papal blessing all the laymen were dismissed to their homes. Surely God must have given some foretoken of all that was to happen.. Far away from Clermont, Bishop Gilbert of Lisieux, a philoso- pher, famous for his knowledge of astronomy and medicine, one of the physicians who had patched by the death-bed of the Great Conqueror, was looking out upon the starlit sky.

Many shall go forth and never return, until the stars return to their place in the sky, whence you now see them falling. Raymond was the only great lord who had pledged himself to the Crusade at Clermont. But the enthusiasm was spread broadcast over Western Europe by the prelates, priests, and laymen as they returned from the great assembly. A vivid picture of the intense excitement of the next few months has been preserved.

In the high- ways and the cross-roads men would talk of nothing else ; layman and priest alike took up the cry and urged their fellows to start for Jerusalem. The intending pilgrim gloried in his resolution, while his laggard friend took shame to himself for his sloth and slackness in the cause of God. The last harvest had been a failure so complete that many of the rich found themselves in penury, while the poor were driven to feed on herbs and the wild roots of the field. Guibert of Nogent draws a vivid picture of these winter days, when all were sad with the prospect of approaching famine, save only the prudent rich man, who had long been storing up in the years of plenty, so to gather wealth in times of dearth.

Before the council bread was scarce ; after the council, though it was full winter, when stock had been killed off for salting, seven sheep were sold for fivepence. As usual there was the crowd of greedy self-seekers only too eager to snatch a profit out of the enthusiasm of their fellows. Eight months were to elapse before any of the great leaders started on the road, for many preparations had first to be made. But the wilder spirits could not brook delay, nor were there wanting men to set the torch to their enthusiasm.

In the long winter months the voice of one preacher was heard in North-eastern France urging men to fulfil the commands of jGod. This preacher was Peter the Hermit, and it is with the winter of that his historical career commences. From town to town he passed along walled round by a throng of eager devotees.

The exhortations of Peter and his fellows produced a marvellous effect. Guibert saw villages, towns, and cities emptied of their inhabitants as the preacher went along. This of course is the language of exag- geration, though it may possibly bear some relation to the truth, while Peter was passing through a district. But the real effect of his exhortations is to be seen in the expeditions that left France and Lorraine in the early spring of The popular excitement, however, sank to lower depths than these.

Madness, the near kinsman of enthusiasm and credulity, is often the slave of persecu- tion. Whilst, on the one hand, crowds were starting for Jerusalem under the guidance of a nrad woman, a goose, or a goat whom their frenzied imagination took to be the receptacles of the spirit of God, others made the movement an excuse for wanton rapine and murder. At Cologne the synagogues were destroyed, the Jews slaughtered, and their houses sacked. Even here they were not secure ; at sunrise a certain Count Emicho led the rabble against them ; the doors were broken open, and men, women, and children massacred without mercy, till in their despair the victims sought death at each others hands.

The preaching of Peter the Hermit brought some fifteen thousand French pilgrims to Cologne about Easter They jour- neyed through Hungary, where they were kindly treated by King Caloman, to Semlin on the Danube. Here the main body passed over to the Bulgarian city of Belgrade, but a small party remaining behind to purchase arms were plundered by the people of Semlin.

Walter begged the Bulgarian chief to supply him with provisions, and on a re- fusal suffered his followers to pillage as they would. The stragglers, however, forced their way through the woods in eight days to Nisch. Peter, with the German host which his eloquence gathered round him at Cologne, seems to have followed the same route as Walter the Penniless. Through Germany, Bavaria, and the modern Austria they passed in peace, some on foot, some floating down the Danube and other rivers in boats.

Thence they journeyed in peace and good order to Semlin. The citizens for the most part sought refuge in a lofty fortress, while the pilgrims occupied the town, in which they found an abundant supply of food and horses. At Nisch the Bulgarian prince Nichita granted them a market, but, when he heard that some unruly Germans had fired seven mills on the river, at once bade his subjects make reprisals. Peter, who had already started with the main host, returned at the news, and a general conflict soon ensued.

Then they renewed their march, and at last, on August 30, , they reached Constantinople. There Peter had an interview with Alexius, who advised him to wait till the great Crusading armies should arrive. But certain unruly Lombards set fire to some buildings near the city, and stripping the lead from the churches sold it to the Greeks. Annoyed at such disorder Alexius urged that they should pass over to Asia. Peter and Walter were accordingly carried across to Nicomedia, whence they proceeded to Civitot, a city on the coast. Near that city they seized a deserted fortress, called Exerogorgo, wherein they were presently besieged by Kilij Arslan, the Sultan of Rum.

The sufferings of the Christians were intense, for there was no drinking-water ; in their anguish men drank the blood of their horses, some sought to pro- cure a few drops of water by letting down their girdles into the foul fishponds, others dug pits in the earth, and endeavoured to obtain relief by covering their limbs with the moist soil. After eight days Kilij Arslan captured Exerogorgo, and moved on against Civitot. Peter was away at Constantinople seeking aid from the Emperor, and Walter was unable to control his motley host.

The Sultan surprised the Christians as they lay asleep in their camp out- side the walls of the town. It showed a 'hero-ruler' in Turkish costume long plaits and rich tunic plus an elaborate turban - seizing two dragons. Photograph via the Staatliche M useen zu Berlin. So legends grew up claiming that Saladin was the grandson of a beautiful French princess forced to marry a valiant Turk named Malakin. He, it was said Neither were they childless, for of this lady, who was called the Fair Captive, was born the mother of that courteous Turk, the Sultan Saladin, an honourable, a wise and a conquering lord.

Saladin had great respect for his nephew Taqi al Din who, like so many Islamic leaders of this period, was described by contemporary Muslim writers as deeply religious and very generous. This may have been true, but what comes across most clearly was his physical courage and preference for leading troops in person. Taqi al Din had demonstrated his initiative long before Hattin, his prompt action saving the day at the battle of Hama against the troops of Muslim Aleppo and Mosul in Now Saladin gave him the toughest military tasks, often placing him in command of the right wing which, in the traditional tactics of the Middle East, usually took an offensive role while the left wing acted defensively.

In addition to being an outstanding commander, Taqi al Din was impetuous and obstinate. His political ambitions aimed at a power base larger than the central Syrian province of Hama which he had governed since Saladin was fully aware of the tempestuous Taqi al Din's desire for independence - perhaps seeing him as a kindred spirit - but the Sultan still made him governor of Egypt while he himself was away. Taqi al Din next dreamed of carving out a state in North Africa, but Saladin feared.

Dismissed as governor of Egypt, he almost rebelled against Saladin and quarrelled openly with Saladin's son Al Afdal. Yet Saladin was soon reconciled with his warlike nephew, adding the mountainous frontier region around Mayyafariqin in Anatolia to Taqi al Din's existing Syrian fief of Hama. Here the young warrior had a chance to expand his territory without clashing with other members of the family. Even so Taqi al Din virtually deserted Saladin during the crisis of the Third Crusade, only to die suddenly a bare 17 months before the great Sultan himself.

Muzaffar al Din Gokbori was one of Saladin's leading amirs or military commanders. Like all such amirs he governed large provinces from which he drew revenues to pay his troops. Gokbori, which means 'Blue Wolf' in Turkish, was a son of the governor of Irbil. His father had been a loyal follower of the great Zangi whose conquest of Edessa in was the first step in rolling back the Crusades. In he led the right wing of a combined Aleppo-Mosul army against Saladin at the Horns of Hama, but after Nur al Din's death Zangi's dynasty was falling apart and a new Muslim hero arose Saladin.

Gokbori's defection to Saladin was a major factor in the Sultan's success. Yet it was also a dangerous move because if Saladin failed, Gokb6ri would lose everything. In the event Saladin defeated the remaining Zangids and added the cities of Edessa Urfa and Samsat to Gokb6ri's governorate. Gokbori's military skills were widely recognized, Saladin's secretary, the chronicler Al Isfahani, describing him as ' He remained a leading amir after the Hattin campaign and though he had to give his original fiefs to Taqi al Din, he was compensated with his father's old governorate around Irbil.

This he ruled until dying at the age of In Syria Gokbori was remembered as a great warrior, but in Irbil in what is now Iraqi Kurdistan the old Turk was remembered as a patron of scholars such as the historian Ibn Khallikan. He built colleges, hospitals, almshouses and hostels for pilgrims and merchants. Gokbori was also the first ruler to patronize the previously unofficial Mawlid al Nabi Birthday of the Prophet Mohammed festival, perhaps in imitation of a large Christian community which then lived in Irbil. Only five years after his death the Mongols arrived, destroying G6kbori's cultural works, and all that seems to remain is the beautifully decorated brick minaret of Irbil's Old Mosque.

Little is known about the Hajib Husam al Din Lu'lu's background. He was almost certainly a mamluk as the name Lu'lu, meaning 'Pearl', was usually given to slaves. He may also have been of Armenian origin. Even his title of Hajib chamberlain does not say much. Under the previous Fatimid rulers of Egypt, when Lu'lu may already have been a courtier, the Hajib was an important court official though not a military one. Under the Saljuqs of Iran the Hajib was a court official who could also lead armies.

Early 13th-century ceramic bowl from Persia showing a Muslim ruler holding a gurz mace. He is seated between two military leaders who wear full mail dir' hauberks beneath sleeveless surcoats.

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According to one chronicler, Husam al Din Lu'lu was a shaykh or man of religion. But it was as commander of Saladin's fleet that he earned fame, defeating Reynald of Chatillon's audacious raid into the Red Sea in and personally leading marines in a naval battle which led to the capture of Gibelet Jubayl four years later. After taking a relief fleet to Acre in Lu'lu seems to disappear from the records. Was he among 2, men of Acre's garrison slaughtered on Richard the Lionheart's orders in ?

A senior officer named Husam al Din was still in Al Adil's service in , but there is no certainty that he was the same man. Whether or not Lu'lu died at Acre, retired after the destruction of the Egyptian Mediterranean fleet at Acre, or went on to serve Al Adil, he had already won enough fame to be included alongside Saladin in a panegyric by the poet Ibn al Dharawil. Saladin's secretary Al Isfahani was also full of praise for Lu'lu, He was without equal when it came to raids with which none but he were associated Ibn al Athir, a less flowery chronicler, simply described Husam al Din Lu'lu as ' Guy and his French knights were also disliked by the local Latin aristocracy.

He was clearly handsome and won the heart of Queen Sibylla of Jerusalem, but whether he was as weak and frivolous as most chroniclers suggest is less certain. He emerges as a far more decisive character after Hattin than before it. Traditional historians still describe Guy as an ineffective bailli regent during the crisis of and as being tight with money even before he became king.

The late R. Smail, however, gives Guy some credit for forcing Saladin's withdrawal in On the other hand he does appear to have been easily influenced by friends who offered conflicting and not always sound advice. As a result King Guy tended to change his mind at crucial moments.

A war-galley in a Byzantine manuscript of the 12th century. A nun1ber of illustrations of Byzantine warships exist, and several give the vessels red-painted prows and sterns. Perhaps this was a form of identification that could be seen from a great distance.

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Otherwise the written sources suggest that it could be very difficult to identify friend from foe in Mediterranean naval warfare. Of course the basis of Guy's authority was weak, as the laws of the Kingdom of Jerusalem reflected a European ideal of 'constitutional' feudal monarchy rather than the reality of conditions in the Latin States. Even Guy's command of the army was rather theoretical and he constantly had to consult his barons and other men before issuing an order. Confusion, resentment, jealousy and insubordination were rife throughout the Kingdom and Guy could rarely impose effective discipline.

On the other hand his final decisions and the tactics he adopted, even at Hattin, were fully in line with the accepted strategy of the time - a strategy which had served the Latin States well in the past. Perhaps the most intelligent of Latin leaders, he often tried to achieve peaceful, co-existence with neighbouring Muslim rulers. He also emerged as the best tactician among the Kingdom of Jerusalem's military leaders. Yet in the end Raymond was branded a traitor, as the man responsible for Christian defeat by Saladin, and he retired to die a broken man within a few months of that catastrophe.

Raymond became count of Tripoli at the age of only 12, after his father was killed by Isma'ili 'Assassins'. By his ability and experience had made him leader of the local barons and he was later the natural choice to be regent, ruling the Kingdom of Jerusalem in the name of the dying leper King Baldwin IV. In this role Raymond showed himself patient, careful and ingenious in dealing with various factions in the Kingdom and with its neighbours. The calculating Count Raymond was also capable of adapting to a changing situation, an adaptability rare among his hidebound contemporaries in Jerusalem.

Eight years as a prisoner in Aleppo had made him fluent in Arabic and given him considerable knowledge of Islam, plus a certain admiration rather than hatred for his captors. Unlike newly arrived Crusaders, Raymond no longer saw the Muslims merely as foes but as neighbours - though rivals - with a shared interest in the harvest, the uncertain rainfall and in trade.

But when the final crisis came he fought as hard as any to save the Kingdom and if Guy had followed Raymond's advice the battle of Hattin might have been avoided or even won. Of all the leading characters in the story of the loss of Jerusalem, none is more colourful than Reynald. The traditional view portrays him as a recklessly brave, handsome but undisciplined adventurer who came to the Latin States in without wealth or followers yet won the hand of the young Princess Constance of Antioch.

Unscrupulous and brutal he may have been, but Reynald had an astonishing grasp of geopolitical strategy. Unfortunately for the Kingdom of Jerusalem, his vision far outstripped the military or economic capabilities of the Latin States. Unlike Raymond of Tripoli, who had also spent years as a prisoner among the Muslims, Reynald's captivity in Aleppo had left him with a burning hatred for Islam - though also a great knowledge of its geography. They wear lamellar jawshan cuirasses , which on the right has flaps to protect the upper arms.

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The Muslims in turn well knew that 'Arnat', as they called him, was their most dedicated foe. By the time of Reynald's release, his wife Constance had died and so, without delay, Reynald married the heiress to Krak Karak and thus became master of the great seigneurie of Oultrejordain. Here he gradually built up a state-within-a-state, perhaps one day hoping to make it an independent lordship like the County of Tripoli or the Principality of Antioch.

Yet this d'Ibelin family had humble origins, being part of a 'new aristocracy' which rose from the rank-and-file of knights who carved out the Kingdom in the early 12th century. By the s Balian d'Ibelin had become one of the most respected local barons and enjoyed semi-autonomous authority in the south of Palestine. Trusted by all sides, he had acted as an intermediary in negotiations between King Guy and Count Raymond of Tripoli.

Balian was also well known as a negotiator among the Muslims and was counted a personal friend by Saladin himself. Nevertheless Balian remained a convinced Christian and a dedicated defender of the Kingdom.

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  • Released by Saladin after Hattin, he swore never again to take arms against the Sultan. Yet Balian d'Ibelin allowed himself to be absolved from this oath by the Patriarch of Jerusalem and took command of the Holy City's defences where he showed enormous courage and determination. It says a great deal for the respect between Balian and Saladin, qualities that bridged the religious divide, that the Sultan could understand Balian's oath-breaking and forgive him when Jerusalem finally fell on 2 October Made in western Iran, Azerbayjan or eastern Turkey, probably in the 13th century, it shows the arms, armour and costume of the Turkish military elite.

    Medieval Muslim armies were highly organized compared to their Crusader enemies and some aspects of their structure, tactics and traditions went back to the ancient Romano-Byzantine or Persian empires. Warfare was largely left to professional soldiers although religious volunteers did play a role against the invading Crusaders.

    Possession of a horse also gave status in medieval Islamic society, as it did in Europe. On the other hand the elite of the Muslim countries had lived in towns since at least the 9th century, rather than in scattered castles like the feudal aristocracy of the West. Regular soldiers also dwelt within the city walls, though irregulars camped outside. The Turks and Kurds who formed the bulk of such professionals were rough compared to the cultured Arab amirs of the old Fatimid regime, while the sophisticated urban populations regarded them as a barbarous but necessary addition to their streets.

    Such men often came from long-standing military families in which young warriors acquired experience of leadership and tactics fighting alongside their relatives. Unlike the fully professional mamluks of slave origin, such free-born warriors often had other activities including trades to keep them busy in time of peace. Among those who rose high in Muslim armies were men of humble birth, but in Saladin's day most leaders were drawn from free-born soldiers rather than the slave-recruited mamluks.

    Near top, an Arab cavalryman with a spear and long kite-shaped shield. Another horseman below is indulging in the universal aristocratic pastime of hawking. David icolle. The proportion of various ethnic groups within 12th-century Islamic armies is not easy to judge, as the origins of leaders did not necessarily reflect the men they led. Saladin's armies grew out of those of his Zangid predecessors and, like all the states which emerged from the fragmentation of the Great Saljuq empire in the early 12th century, the Zangids were highly militarized and looked east for cultural, political and military inspiration.

    The force which Nur al Din sent to Egypt in , in which Saladin served as a staff officer, consisted of 6, Turcomans, 2, Kurds and a tiny elite of mamluks. It was around this force that Saladin built his own army when he took over Egypt a few years later. At first he also used some of the old Fatimid regiments but most of these were disbanded within a short while. Two warriors on a mid13th-century tile from Kashan in Persia. The man in front carries a small round shield, the man behind is wielding a spear with both hands. Museum of 9riental Art, Rome, inv. In Syria and the Jazira region Saladin made a policy of trying to recruit the troops of defeated Muslim rivals.

    The loyalty of those who did join him was strengthened by flattering their sense of 'asabiyah family pride and Saladin's armies soon proved that they had greater experience as well as better discipline than Muslim forces from eastern Anatolia or Persia. As Saladin's authority spread, so regional armies grew up under various provincial governors.

    Their recruitment often differed from that of the Sultan's own forces. Aleppo relied primarily on Turcoman tribes such as the Yiiriik, Damascus recruiting Arab tribesmen from central Syria, and Kurds playing a prominent role around Mosul. Nevertheless, the core of most such forces remained slave-recruited mamluks. Fiercely loyal to the man who had bought, educated and then freed them, such warriors had formed the bodyguards of Abbasid caliphs for centuries.

    Now Saladin combined the old Abbasid and newer Fatimid practices, mostly buying slaves of pagan Turkish origin from Asia. This elite joined the Sultan's guard which also looked after the main arsenals, garrisoned important fortifications and were stationed in the centre of Saladin's army in battle.

    The largest ethnic group in the army was that of the Turks who had been the dominant military element in Syria since the early 12th century. Some tribes had migrated into northern Syria in the s but the majority of Turkish troops were still recruited from Turcoman tribes in the Diyarbakr region. Second in numerical importance were the Kurds who fought as cavalry and archers, though apparently they were not using the horse-archery tactics of their Turkish rivals.

    Saladin recruited them either as individuals or as whole units from various tribes, such tribal units generally fighting as one block in battle. A third important ethnic element was the Arabs. There had been a resurgence of nomadism in northern Syria following a But although these Arab nomads were rich in horses they had few archers, fighting instead with spear or sword. Nevertheless the bedouin continued to supply vital auxiliary cavalry to the rulers of 12th-century Syria - though they were deeply mistrusted by the settled Arab peasantry and city dwellers.

    Such bedouin featured in Saladin's army as qu l, infantry raiders who specialized in harassing an enemy's communications, and as lisus, cavalry infiltrators whose role was to interrupt enemy supplies. The mutatawi'ah or religious volunteers often served for very short periods, but they could be quite effective, particularly when harassing enemy stragglers. Unlike the ahdath urban militias , the true religious volunteers were difficult for a government to control. Meanwhile the ahdath tended to be recruited from the poorer sections of city populations.

    By the 12th century its main duty was to police a city or town, though it could also fight alongside the regular army in an emergency. Under Fatimid rule the ahdath of Palestinian towns may have included Jews as well as Muslims, but whether this was true of Saladin's ahdath is not known. Other local troops included the often despised rajjalah infantry.

    Specialist infantry would have been professionals, even if part-time, and the wealthy city of Aleppo was famous for warriors who also seem to have had a well-developed sense of humour. Back in , when the Saljuq Turks were attacking Aleppo, the defenders wrapped a bale of silk around their strongest tower and sent a message to the enemy saying that the Turks' stone-throwing machines had given it a headache!

    Aleppo was still famous for its miners and siege engineers in Saladin's day, while the garrison of Aleppo's. Arab bedouin warrior stopping a fight between two travellers. This example of the Maqamat of Al Hariri was made in Mosul in and shows the very long spear characteristic of Arab horsemen. British Library, Ms. Engineers from far-away Khurasan may have served Saladin, and the Sultan was certainly delighted to get a squad of specialist fire-troops from the Abbasid caliph of Baghdad.

    Meanwhile North Africa played its part by supplying naval crews, of which Saladin was always short, the Maghribis North Africans being regarded as the best sailors in the Muslim world. Organization of Saladin's Forces Saladin's army was subdivided into units of various sizes, though the terms used often overlapped. The smallest were the jarida 70 men and the tulb men with their own flag and trumpeter. The jama'a was probably a tactical formation consisting of three jaridas.

    The sariya was an ad hoc band of about 20 cavalry, often used in ambushes, while the saqa was a small advance guard or reconnaissance party. Unlike their Latin foes the Muslims also had specific amir officer ranks, ranging from an isfahsalar army leader down through the ustadh al dar and hajib chamberlain senior commanders, to the amir hajib, amir jandar, khazindar governor of an important citadel , amir kabir great officer and ordinary amir.

    A scene on a damaged early 13th-century candlestick-base from Persia showing a horseman from the rear. Four warriors have helmets with extended neck protections. The leading horseman wears a mail hauberk, the second carries a massive gurz mace. In the rear-right one man carries two furled banners while another beats upon drums carried by a mule.

    Regular soldiers were paid regular jamakiyah salaries or held iqta' land-grants , which had features in common with European feudal fiefs. The pay structure was controlled by a Diwan al ]aysh Army Ministry. This Diwan al ]aysh also listed the troops' names and where they were stationed, and held reviews to check training and equipment. Registered soldiers received weapons from government arsenals free, but if they lost this equipment the cost was deducted from their pay.

    Any changes of rank, status or unit were also noted on the registers. The iqta' or fief was vital to this military system. It was really a system of tax-farming in which the holder took a proportion of revenues in return for ensuring that taxes were collected. One vital characteristic that distinguished an iqta' from a European feudal fief was that the land could be taken back at any time. In return for an iqta' the muqta land-holder also maintained and equipped a specified number of troops.

    Some iqta's were huge estates given to members of the ruling family. Others were governorships of towns, castles and strategic districts bestowed on senior officers. Then there were villages and smaller estates given to lesser amirs. Salaries or pensions drawn from government properties could also be iqta's. The value of land-grants varied considerably, even within a single region. Only a generation after Saladin's death a survey showed iqta's ranging from one maintaining horsemen, to another that included the towns of Nablus and Jinin supporting horseman, to a small iqta' maintaining 70 horsemen.

    Inferior land went as iqta's to ajnad militia or bedouin auxiliaries. Yet the muqtas only lived on these estates if they had fallen from political favour. Among various categories of troops the slave-recruited mamluks generally formed a ruler's elite 'askar bodyguard. Fiercely disciplined and proud of its status, an 'askar also looked after siege engines, arsenals and other vital facilities.

    The halqa seems to have been a larger formation, perhaps comparable to a household regiment. The tawashiya included, by Saladin's day, both mamluks and freely recruited cavalrymen, each with his own horse, page or mamluk follower, about ten animals to carry baggage, and a salary to purchase equipment. Organized into first-rate regiments which remained close to the ruler on campaign, each tawashi was expected to serve in the army for a certain number of months every year.

    Men of the ajnad or territorial army had lower status but were still properly equipped cavalry, though few seem to have been trained horse-archers. The infantry had even lower status, despite their essential role in siege warfare. Most were archers, crossbowmen, or fought with spear and shield. The janib may have operated as mobile mounted infantry, sometimes riding mules, but the only real elite among foot soldiers were the nafatin fire-troops.

    All professional foot soldiers were paid salaries, at least while on campaign. The same was probably true of siege engineers such as the naqqabun miners or engineers , hajjarun masons and najjarun carpenters. It was the support services, however, that really set this army apart from its Latin enemies. Considerable emphasis was put on good communications: a government barid postal service used carrier pigeons and couriers, while beacons could carry warnings from the frontiers at extraordinary speed. Equally important was the distribution of weapons.

    Most cities had arms bazaars and many, like Aleppo, Damascus, Cairo and Mosul, had their own weapons-manufacturing quarters. Arms were issued to the troops from the zardkhanah arsenal at the start of a campaign. On the march, however, armour and most weaponry would remain in the thuql baggage train. This made the troops light and fast moving but could be disastrous if intelligence failed and there was a surprise attack. Consequently the thuql Such januwiyah, or mantlets, were specifically for infantry use. The man's turban and the hilt of his straight sword represent styles known in the Islamic Middle East long before the coming of the Saljuq Turks.

    Keir College, London, inv. The thuql also incorporated fire-troops, blacksmiths to repair weapons, siege equipment with engineers and surveyors. Non-combatants in the thuql included servants, horse handlers, mule and donkey drivers, cameleers, scribes, religious functionaries, doctors and surgeons. The sophisticated medical services formed, in fact, a mobile hospital.

    The division of booty had always been carefully regulated in Muslim armies, one-fifth going to the government and the rest being distributed among the troops. Much would then be sold to the merchants of the suq al- 'askar soldiers' bazaar which formed part of the baggage train. This suq al- 'askar also supplied additional weaponry and other military supplies when needed. Physical appearance, costume and a rudimentary form of heraldry distinguished individuals and groups within Saladin's military.

    While the Ayyubid family and the Turks wore their hair long, the Arabs with the possible exception of the bedouin shaved their heads. Almost all Muslim men had beards or moustaches, Saladin's sailors having to shave in order to pass themselves off as Crusaders when slipping through a Latin blockade.

    A tall yellow cap called a kalawta was used by the Ayyubids while Central Asian Turkish forms of wrap-around tunic also became popular in the ruling class. A hiyasa belt made of linked metal plates actually distinguished the elite while officers wore the sharbush, a stiff fur-trimmed cap with a raised front. A band of richly embroidered tiraz fabric bearing an inscription had long been given by rulers to their followers as a mark of allegiance.

    Inscriptions also appeared on shields in the 11th century and would become more common later. Other devices and colours indicated Iranian influence, perhaps via the widely popular Shahnamah epic poem , but there would be no real system of Islamic heraldry until the Mamluk dynasty of the midth century onwards.

    Devices remained personal, not hereditary, and there was never a governing body to regularize 'heraldry' as in Europe. Taqi al Din's personal flag was described by a Crusader witness as looking like a pair of trousers, but what the ignorant European probably saw was either a doubled 'windsock' banner such as had been used by Turks and Persians for hundreds of years, or a flag bearing the double-bladed 'Sword of Ali' or a Turkish tribal tamga device. Taqi al Din's troops certainly marched beneath a yellow banner, yellow being the Ayyubids' favoured colour. It was not, however, one of the normal colours of Islamic symbolism green, white, black, red , having been regarded with some disfavour in earlier years.

    While Arabs and Kurds used various types of flag, the Turks also held tuq or horsetail standards aloft. Tactics of the Muslim Forces Saladin continued to use the age-old razzia raiding tactics of the Arab Middle East though there had been a change in the way these were carried out. The old mixed infantry and cavalry armies now gave way to smaller elites of mamluk horse-archers supported by auxiliary cavalry using Turkish tactics of rapid manoeuvre, dispersal and harassment. Military manuals from the Islamic Middle Ages may reflect theory rather than reality, but the organizing of a battle array, an encampment, line of march, siege or counter-siege were very similar in works from the Fatimid, Ayyubid or even Mamluk periods.

    Saladin's siege tactics were almost entirely the same as those of his Fatimid predecessors, while his cavalry tactics were far more flexible than those of the Crusaders. Saladin's horsemen would even, if the situation were suitable, stand against a full-scale charge by the enemy's knights. Considerable skills were, in fact, demanded of a late 12th-century cavalryman.

    Literary sources give primacy to the spear, which could be wielded with one or both hands and thrust at the foe's arms or legs as well as his body. Once lances were broken horsemen drew their swords. Only in specifically Turkish sources are bows given much prominence. Cavalry manuals dating from a generation or so later deal with the initiating and maintaining of an attack, feigning retreat, wheeling around in battle, evading the enemy and renewing an attack.

    Horse-archers are instructed how to control their mounts and how to shoot. The advantages of various forms of bow and arrow, as well as the use of thumb-rings for long-distance shooting, are all discussed. So is the use of the javelin from horseback. The training of foot soldiers received less attention, but manuals did give advice for infantry archers, describing the skills they needed to fight in the open. A little later military experts were suggesting that infantry must be able to march long distances, recognize dangerous enemy formations that indicated an impending attack, know how to take cover, check and chase cavalry, and how to scatter or scare an enemy's horses.

    Once in enemy territory any force should always keep its escape route open. This was particularly true of lightly equipped raiding parties whose function was to sow confusion and fear among the enemy. Arab bedouin auxiliaries excelled in setting ambushes, particularly if they were natives of the area. If a raid were to be made at night, cloudy, windy and rainy weather was best.

    If the enemy were strong, it was. Carved 11 th- to 12th-century relief from the window of a n10sque in Kubachi, Daghestan. Only in such isolated Turkish areas could one find representational sculpture on an Islan1ic religious building. This portrays a horse-archer with a typically Turkish Central Asian form of box-like quiver on his right hip.

    The Fief of Tibnin (Toron) and its Castle in the Age of the Crusades AD (1105-1266 AH 498- 664)

    It provides one of the clearest representations of a tu 'ab, the smallest form of manpowered stone-throwing mangonel, widely used in both Muslim and Christian Spain and in the Middle East. Biblioteca N azionale, Turin, inv. Set-piece battles were generally avoided but when they did take place it is difficult to tell how far the tactics of Saladin's day really followed the theories. The jandariyah guard remained with the ruler and though Saladin normally placed his best halqa regiments in the centre, halqa troops also operated as independent formations.

    Heavy cavalry were certainly used in the charge, operating much like Latin knights, and, like knights, were divided into small tulb squadrons. Yet horse-archery remained the cavalry's most effective tactic. At long distance it could disrupt enemy formations by wounding horses and infantry. At close range the Muslims' composite bow could penetrate most 12th-century armour. Islamic infantry may have declined in importance after the 11th century but they still appeared in major set-piece battles as well as siege warfare.

    Although infantry were dismissed by many Muslim chroniclers as harafisha rabble , Saladin's tactics often relied on separating an enemy's infantry from his cavalry even when fighting fellow Muslims. Terrain would be used to full advantage. Shirkuh lured Latin cavalry into an impossible charge up a slope of soft sand in and Saladin used a tal artificial hill of debris from long habitation, typical of the Middle East to hide his reserves.

    But such sophisticated battlefield tactics demanded reliable battlefield. Siege warfare was the main purpose of large expeditions. Lightly armed troops would be the first to reach and invest an enemy castle. The attackers would then protect their position with palisades before digging entrenchments. Siege towers might be built and miners would start undermining the enemy's walls. Mining operations, which demanded skilled personnel and careful direction, were in fact used by the Muslims more than by the Crusaders.

    In addition to battering rams the Muslims had a variety of stone-throwing engines, some of which were large enough to damage a wall or at least the battlements which gave cover to the defenders. The numerous smaller engines were essentially anti-personnel weapons designed to clear defenders from their positions prior to a general assault. One of the attackers' most important tasks was to protect their wooden siege engines and mines from defenders who might make a sortie.

    Once a breach had been made or a wall undermined, the garrison would be given an opportunity to surrender. If this were refused assault parties would be organized under the best available officers. When these managed to seize the breach they might again stop while the enemy was offered a final chance to surrender. Sieges could go on for months and in such cases the besiegers' camp could turn into a temporary town. Outside Acre in Saladin's position had 7, shops including farriers, all controlled by a police force.

    Several markets included those for clothing and weaponry old or new, plus an estimated 1, small bath-houses mostly managed by North Africans. The contrast with the stinking disease-ridden camps of the Crusaders could hardly be more striking. Muslim armies were just as sophisticated in defence of fortifications, most of which were based on long-established designs going back to the pre-Islamic period.

    The burj or tower was basic to Islamic military architecture. Art by Jim Laurier. Operation Nordwind is one of the lesser known campaigns of World War II yet one of the more intriguing. Largely overshadowed by the Battle of the Bulge further north, Nordwind was the last great operation by the Waffen-SS Panzer divisions in the west, and the last time the Wehrmacht was on the offensive in the West.

    The campaign also highlights the difficulties of inter-Allied cooperation between the Americans and the French. This campaign has been extensively treated in German and French accounts, but is not well covered in English. In AD 77, Roman forces under Agricola marched into the northern reaches of Britain in an attempt to pacify the Caledonian tribesman. For seven years, the Romans marched and battled across what is now Scotland. Finally, in AD 83, they fought the final battle at Mons Graupius where 10, Caledonians were slaughtered from only Roman dead.

    It proved the high-water mark of Roman power in Britain. Following unrest elsewhere in the empire, the north of Scotland was abandoned and Rome's forces began their long retreat. Never again would Roman arms stand on the edge of the known world. At hours on 7 June , the pre-dawn gloom on the Western Front was shattered by the 'pillars of fire' - the rapid detonation of 19 huge mines, secreted in tunnels under the German lines and containing tonnes of explosives. Admitted by the Germans to be a 'masterstroke', the devastating blasts caused 10, soldiers to later be posted simply as 'missing'.

    Launching a pre-planned attack into the carnage, supported by tanks and a devastating artillery barrage, the British took the strategic objective of Messines Ridge within hours. A rare example of innovation and success in the First World War, this book is a fresh and timely examination of a fascinating campaign. In less than one day, the might of the Imperial Japanese Navy was destroyed and four of her great aircraft carriers sank burning into the dark depths of the Pacific.

    Utilizing the latest research and detailed combat maps, this book tells the dramatic story of the Japanese assault on Midway Island and the American ambush that changed the face of the Pacific war. With sections on commanders, opposing forces, and a blow-by-blow account of the action, this volume gives a complete understanding of the strategy, the tactics, and the human drama that made up the Midway campaign, and its place as the turning point in the Pacific war. On a sunny May afternoon in , the peace of an English seaside town was shattered when a flight of German Gotha bombers appeared without warning.

    Twenty-three Gothas had set out to attack London in this first bomber raid, but heavy cloud forced them to target Folkestone and the Shorncliffe army camp instead. It was the start of a new phase of the war aimed at destroying the morale of the British people. London's defences were quickly overhauled to face this new threat, providing the basis for Britain's defence during World War II. This book tells the story of the Gotha and the massive Staaken 'Giant' bomber raids against London.

    One of the greatest military disasters of the Roman Empire, Teutoburg Forest witnessed the near-total annihilation of three Roman legions at the hands of the German barbarians led by their Roman-educated chief Arminius. Michael McNally tells the complete story of the disaster, supported by the incredible artwork of Peter Dennis. A month earlier the Japanese had launched Operation Ha-Go, which was intended as a feint to draw British attention away from the Imphal area.

    But British forces employed new defensive techniques to counter the Japanese infiltration tactics. These tactics were again employed on a larger scale when Imphal and Kohima were surrounded during Operation U-Go. Kohima took place in two stages. From 3 to 16 April the Japanese attempted to capture Kohima Ridge.

    As the small garrison held out against fierce and repeatedly desperate attempts by the Japanese 31st Division to destroy them, so the British 2nd Division fought to break through and relieve them. Then for over two months British and Indian troops counter-attacked to drive the Japanese from the positions they had already captured. The battle ended on June 22 when British and Indian troops from Kohima and Imphal met at Milestone , thus ending the siege. By morning the British had won a near-complete victory: only two of the 13 French ships-of-the-line escaped and the rest were either captured or destroyed.

    It was the first major independent victory of Nelson's career but more importantly it crippled the French effort in Africa by denying them access to the suplies and support from the sea. This book uses the latest research, new maps and specially commissioned artwork to tell the story of one of the great sea battles of the Napoleonic era. With the wars between the US and the Native Americans drawing to a close, one tribe in Eastern Oregon continued to resist. The army chased the natives for three months, fighting 13 actions. Finally, just 40 miles from the Canadian border, the Army ran Chief Joseph to the ground, and forced him to surrender after a five-day battle near Bear Paw Mountain.

    Art by Paul Wright. It began with a battle between the Bismarck and the British battleship Prince of Wales and the heavy cruiser Hood. The Hood was blown to pieces, while the battered Prince of Wales managed to escape. The British then focused all of their resources on hunting the mighty German battleship and eventually brought her down. When the Romans occupied the southern half of Britain in AD 43, the Iceni tribe quickly allied themselves with the invaders. Having paid tribute to Rome, they continued to be ruled by their own kings. But 17 years later when Prasutagus, the king of the Iceni, died the Romans decided to incorporate his kingdom into the new province.

    When his widow Boudicca protested, she 'was flogged and their daughters raped', sparking one of the most famous rebellions in history. This book tells how Boudicca raised her people and other tribes in revolt, overran the provincial towns of Camulodunum Colchester , Londinium London and Verulamium St Albans , destroyed the IX Legion, and nearly took control of the fledgling Roman province, before being finally brought to heel in a pitched battle at Mancetter.

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