As the head of MI5 stated, social media is the command and control network of radical Islamism. The appeal of social media is evident. There are no gatekeepers. Messages posted from one remote or hidden location are immediately transmitted to the hip pocket of anyone with a SmartPhone. Geopolitics runs as a theme through several of the articles in the September issue of International Affairs.
In the lead article, David Martin Jones and M.
The counterinsurgency COIN paradigm dominates military and political conduct in contemporary Western strategic thought. COIN is understood as a logical, effective, and democratically palatable method for confronting insurgency—a discrete set of practices that, through the actions of knowledgeable soldiers and under the guidance of an expert elite, creates lasting results. Sacred Violence examines the place that ideology or political religion plays in legitimizing violence to achieve a condition of worldly perfection.
In particular, the book focuses upon Islamism as a post modern political religion that considers violence both necessary and purificatory. As Jones and Smith show, the western state response consistently misunderstands and misreads the nature of the appeal of political religion and the leaderless form of resistance it legitimates, which has consequences for its internal and external policy responses. This book offers a unique insight on terrorism, a perspective that is much needed in contemporary internal relations and policy debates.
Given the shift from state-based to non-state-based violence and warfare in the post-Cold War era, it provides a timely rethink of the links between ideology, violence and strategic theory which will be of great benefit to the foreign policy and defence communities as well as IR scholarship more broadly. This is an erudite, incisive and combative book.
The two authors take on the Big Question of how best to understand the origins of religiously justified terror as basis for effective response. They believe that that this is widely and systematically misunderstood. The responses of those who will most dislike it should be instructive. What political message is Cameron trying to communicate? On Indonesia, Tony Abbott is right to ignore the self-loathing Asia-first elite.
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Ken Minogue died in the Galapagos Islands in June, very much as he lived, engaged with ideas and in conversation down to his last breath. Approaching his eighty-third year, despite a heart problem he had in the course of and visited Australia, attended several Liberty Fund conferences in the USA, Europe and Turkey, before heading to the Galapagos to preside over what was to be his last conference with the Mont Pelerin Society. East Asia is without question a region of huge economic, political and security significance. Via a realist perspective on the dynamics and frictions associated with accommodating the rise of powerful states, this timely book addresses the core issue in contemporary Asian politics: the rise of China.
In all, they provide valuable information and ample food for thought for students and practitioners at all levels. Highly recommended. This book undertakes a sophisticated analysis of considerable nuance. The father of political science would see through Gillard and Rudd in an instant. Misreading Menzies and Whitlam: reassessing the ideological construction of Australian foreign policy. Conventional understandings of Australian foreign policy hold that a decisive break with the past in external relations occurred only after and the arrival of Gough Whitlam as Prime Minister. Whitlam, it is claimed, began the process of severing out-dated imperial attachments to Britain, thus setting Australia on an independent course in world affairs based on a more mature assessment of the national interest that defined Australia as part of a wider Asia region.
The ruling foreign policy orthodoxy, however, is one that is widely accepted, and little questioned, in Australian academic and journalistic circles. Yet it rests on a profound, and often intentional, misreading of Australian foreign policy during the Menzies era.
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In effect, the pillars that have supported Australian foreign policy for over two decades since are myths manufactured in hindsight. Divisions still run deep in Thailand despite the violent dispersal of the latest protests. There are democracy doubts too in the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia, Singaporean leaders have never been believers.
What motivates Islamic extremism? There can be few more significant questions since the answer helps shape security policy. But the lack of agreement on the key factors weakens domestic and international responses to violent threats.
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Since the Asian financial crisis of , regional scholars and diplomats have maintained that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN represents an evolving economic and security community. Three case studies of ASEAN operating as an economic and security community demonstrate, however, that the norms and practices that ASEAN promotes, rather than creating an integrated community, can only sustain a pattern of limited intergovernmental and bu- reaucratically rigid interaction. Other results good certain technology of the Corporation.
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Pages 7 to 89 are always awarded in this product. The student of book economies on the National Security System of Russia. Anti-popery constituted more than a mere prejudice against Catholicism; it was an ideological tool which bound Protestants across the social classes together to be mindful of threats posed to the civil and religious safety of the nation both by agents without and traitors within. The deep-seated fears of a malevolent papist threat were reinforced in August when rumours swept London of a Catholic conspiracy which echoed the bloodletting of the s and s in the Stuart kingdoms.
Fanciful stories claimed that Jesuits disguised as Presbyterians planned to stir up discontent in Scotland, encourage a French led rebellion in Ireland, and use Irish assassins to murder the King. Meanwhile English papists would rise in arms, burn London to the ground and murder Protestants in a sectarian bloodlust across the country.
The claims proved to be entirely baseless, a product of the surreptitious imagination of Titus Oates, a former Anglican clergyman expelled from his Anglican ministry for drunken blasphemy and from his navy chaplaincy for homosexuality. His credibility as a witness remained untarnished despite an apparent conversion to Catholicism and abortive training as a priest at the English college at Valladolid where he alleged he first heard the stirring of the convoluted Catholic plot.
When Scottish Covenanters took up arms at Rutherglen near Glasgow between May and June as Oates had forewarned, mass hysteria enveloped the Stuart kingdoms about the dangers posed by popery. Many entirely innocent Catholics were found guilty of imaginary treasons against the state based on perjured and falsified evidence. Many of the accused, including Viscount Stafford, Oliver Plunkett, the Catholic Archbishop of Armagh, as well as various Jesuit priests, secular priests and lay Catholics would be executed purely on the word of Oates and other perjured witnesses.
Over the next few years the King waged a political war against his most vocal opponents, assisted by ant-exclusionist Tories and leading Anglicans. They took control of the sinews of local corporations and counties in order to control who would be returned to any future parliament should the King choose to call one. On 12 June Josiah Keeling, a London oil merchant, betrayed details of one such conspiracy in which leading opponents of the King planned to ambush the royal coach as it returned from the Newmarket races and murder Charles II and his brother and heir James, duke of York.
Known as the Rye House Plot, the authorities moved quickly and put some of the leading plotters on trial. They found a copy of his radical text Discourses Concerning Government on his person during his seizure which outlined his belief that an armed rebellion against an oppressive and tyrannical monarch could be justified to protect the rights of the individual and wider society as a whole.
Sidney initially expressed confidence that he would not even face a trial, believing there to be no second witness to corroborate the perjured evidence proffered by a co-conspirator William, Lord Howard of Escrick. A similar ruling had been applied in to Stephen Colledge, the poet and political activist, in regards his supposed authorship of the ballad A Ra-Ree Show.
This salacious and controversial ballad depicted King Charles II as duplicitous, half-Protestant, half-Catholic, touring from city to city carrying a portable peep show in order to get money from his gullible audience. The underlying implication, that the King only called the Oxford Parliament to levy money, would not have been lost on contemporaries. An accompanying cartoon showed the king being tossed to the floor by parliamentary agents, with members of the House of Commons resisting the King and the House of Lords.
On 31 August Colledge was executed in the surroundings of the yard at Oxford Castle. On 7 December he was beheaded.
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Similarly other leading Whig conspirators met grizzly ends. Arthur Capel, earl of Essex was arrested on 9 July and died under mysterious circumstances while incarcerated in the Tower of London. He disavowed the treason charge, claiming to be guilty of a misprision of treason- that he knew of the planning of a plot by others but did not report it to the authorities. His powerful ideological trope would echo through to the Glorious Revolution. On the failure of the venture Monmouth pleaded ignorance of the plot, although he admitted his involvement in some conspiratorial machinations. Both sides wanted Monmouth to give evidence at the trials of Algernon Sidney and John Hampden another member of the council of six , but the duke fled England for exile in the Dutch Republic, residing at The Hague under the protection of William, Prince of Orange.
While resident there he met with leading Scottish exiles led by the earl of Argyll, eventually agreeing to a joint invasion and rebellion in Scotland and England. Hundreds of soldiers were summarily executed on the battlefield, while a series special assize commissions tried around 1, suspected of assisting in the rebellion. Around other suspected insurgents were sentenced to transportation and exile to the West Indies. In perhaps the most notorious case, Chief Justice Jeffreys interjected during the defence of the deaf widow Lady Alice Lisle, persuading the jury to find her guilty and sentenced her to be burned at the stake.
James II later commuted the punishment to beheading. Likewise a jury returned a guilty verdict against the Baptist widow Elizabeth Gaunt for aiding one of the conspirators, James Burton, escape to Amsterdam. Burton had implicated her as an accomplice in the hope of saving his life even though she had played no part in the rising. Burnt at the stake, Gaunt was the last woman executed for a political crime in England.
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The clear partiality exercised by the judiciary in favour of the interests of the Crown against the rights of innocent individuals encouraged many Whigs to support William of Orange. The Whigs opponents of James also had martyrs to their cause like Sidney and Russell who had sought to secure Protestant religion and English liberties against papists and malignants, both headed and personified by the Catholic monarch James II.
The passage of legislation in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution reflected the discontent occasioned by the partiality of the Stuart judiciary. The Bill stated that James had:. Repairing fundamental flaws in treason procedure became a central tenement of the Whig ideology in the aftermath of the Glorious Revolution. Many Tories who supported the Stuart kings believed that individual rights were subordinate to the wider public good. In contrast, leading Whig thinkers such as John Locke, Robert Ferguson and Andrew Marvell advocated increasing individual rights against Crown tyranny.
They believed in a contractual notion of kingship in which the monarch served the interests of their subjects, with the royal prerogative little more than the implicit permission to exercise sovereign power for the public good. However in the uncertainty caused by the Glorious Revolution many politicians, fearing that the ancient laws of the kingdom would be swept away alongside the House of Stuart, maintained that the needs of the many trumped the rights of the few.
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During a debate on the need for a new treason act on 18 November , Sir Thomas Trevor, the Solicitor-General, argued that,. I shall not deny, but there have been misinterpretations of the Law in former reigns; the way to prevent that for the future is to prevent the authors of them. This Law now will have no greater sanction than the former Laws. There are too many, I fear, that correspond with our enemies abroad. Now, whether is it proper to pass a law more difficult for prosecution, than in times of our ancestors?
Nobody but will think then that this bill is an encouragement to impunity. What then will be the consequence? Tyranny and Popery will be the subversion of this Government.