Find it at other libraries via WorldCat Limited preview. Contents Preface-- 1. The public's privado-- 2. The ship money case and The Case of Shipmony-- 3. Religio laici-- 4. Observations and the political theory of the emergency-- 5. The Observator observed-- 6. Diverse urgent emergent considerations-- 8. Disputable and visible politics-- Conclusion: contrary points of war-- Appendix: the writings of Henry Parker. Professor Mendle situates each of Parker's significant tracts in its polemical, intellectual, and political context.
He also views Parker's literary work in the light of his career as privado, or intimate adviser, to leading figures of the parliamentary leadership. Parker emerges as a fierce opponent of clerical prevention from any quarter, a strikingly brutal critic of the common law mind, and a leading proponent of parliament's most uncompromising position, a claim to a species of executive power so encompassing and so like the claims of Charles I that it can fitly be called parliamentary absolutism.
Subject Parker, Henry, Great Britain. Bibliographic information. Publication date ISBN Browse related items Start at call number: DA M46 Librarian view Catkey: Further, these works represent the importance of Roman sources and humanist teaching in seventeenth century England. Hobbes communicated with Mersenne, Descartes and attended a meeting with Galileo in Italy in The influence of logical positivism had inspired the development of behavioralism during the s and s, which attended investigations into political thought.
Without imposing a continuity of political truths or perennial questions, the Cambridge School method demands that the reader consider the context of each author, his time and place, his language and his audience in an interpretation of the authors. The Cambridge School method diverges from the fundamental principles of interpretation of the majority of political scientists. That is, political scientists and historians have disavowed a common method of interpreting works of philosophy.
Texts either proved logical or not based on the arguments made on their pages, regardless of the context to which they were a response. Among historians, Marxist analysis remained an influence in historiography, as seen in the works of Christopher Hill and others. Collingwood and Michael Oakeshott refused to do so and began producing works explaining the relevance of traditional philosophy and the contextual sensitivity that they believed neither logical positivism nor its relations could produce.
By this time, J. There are only shifting paradigms, changing questions, new sets of answers, all inevitably limited by the scope of the prevailing disciplines. Parker never suggests the elimination of the House of Lords. Rather he was responding to his dissatisfaction with monarchical government as it appeared in England, and he no longer questioned resistance political theory.
The historian does not look for to a linear continuum of recurrent contexts. Skinner has given particular attention to the role of the republican tradition and rhetoric. The revival of eloquence, Skinner explains, in mid to late seventeenth- century England produced an anxiety among some philosophers, who considered that rhetoric always produced two persuadable sides to an argument, leaving the distinction between the two to the ability of the orator.
Brian Vickers confirms that interest in rhetoric continued to expand in the seventeenth century, including the number and kinds of texts available for both amateur and more literate readers. Pocock himself understands Machiavelli as embodied in politics as a language which continues to draw from its past to meet particular contexts. Pocock has argued that Italian republicanism was revived in Renaissance Europe in the sixteenth century to combat corrupt monarchist regimes.
Thus, J. Skinner characterizes humanist writers as emerging political theorists.
Writers produced poems warning against tyranny, the abandonment of the virtues and the loss of liberty. Zachary S. Personal identity in Renaissance writers meant understanding history as a break with the past. Medieval scholars understood the present as an extension of antiquity and found no reason to address or imagine it differently from their current time.
The medieval conception of the past led to an understanding of the past as containing the answers to the challenges of the present. Humanism and Renaissance thought addressed the present independently of the former intellectual bonds of their predecessors. Critics argue Skinner does not simply do history 22 Skinner, Reason and Rhetoric, In his review of Reason and Rhetoric A. Martinich argues Skinner neglects matters where Hobbes himself disclosed the character of his own thought. Martinich argues simply because Hobbes employs a rhetorical device is not evidence that it is critical to his philosophy.
More precisely, it would disarm the historian from his task. Skinner has also attracted the criticism that he neglects the role of women in early modern Europe. Skinner instead focuses on the language of Hobbes himself. Skinner works hard to clarify the origins of English conceptions of liberty prior to and during the Civil War years.
He suggests that Parliamentarian arguments for liberty have their roots in a Roman conception of liberty that was revived in the city republics of Italy during the fifteenth century. Politics as theory is a contemplative activity afforded with the luxury of considering human activity in a broad sense. This is the traditional vita contemplative, a life removed from activity and the demands of civic life, from practical resolution of daily matters, and from political decision-making. No such repertoire has been presented in contemporary political science, which is surprisingly uninterested in modes of politicking.
This study of rhetoric, logic and grammar formed some of the necessary preparation for the vita activa in practice. Parker had little luxury of leisure time. His writings were responses to contemporary events; they reflect his sensitivity to the immediacy of his times and the need for resolution in particular political events. Historical scholarship on the force and character of republicanism in England during the s has followed the sources emphasized by Pocock and Skinner: civic humanism and English constitutional theory.
In fifteenth century Italy, liberty meant freedom from external influence, the freedom of each citizen to take an active part in the operation of the commonwealth. The studies of the writing of Henry Parker are rooted in recent historical methodologies. Collingwood and Michael Oakeshott. By the s, he abandoned ruling within a common law role of King in Parliament and instead began a program of personal rule. England faced religious, civic, and military crises as the King was perceived to move further from common law obligations.
The Petition of Right put into record what was believed to be contained in an ancient constitution, including the right of habeas corpus and the approval of Parliament in order to raise new taxes. Buckingham was a target of Parliament for 3 Bucholz and Key, Elliot and L.
However, when Buckingham was assassinated in Protestants feared that the King would turn to his wife, Queen Henrietta Maria, a Catholic, for advice. The issue of Arminianism represented enhanced religious and civic stress in England. James had tolerated Calvinist theology and religious reformers, even hosting a conference at Hampton Court Palace in that authorized limited ritual reform and a new translation of the Bible that appeared in Arminius believed that free will played a role in salvation at a time when Puritan insistence on predestination had already disrupted the Church of England and divided Parliament.
For Arminius the importance of human acts, including sacred rituals and corresponding good works suggested that salvation could be earned by human effort.
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The movement gained prominence among English clergy. Similarly, Arminius believed sanctity belonged to kings. Charles instead received religious Arminian reformers as his closest advisors and assisted their promotion within the Church of England. Despite a failure to impeach Strafford due to insufficient evidence, the House of Commons issued a Bill of Attainder for his death April 13, , which Charles signed 10 May, fearing what sort of rebellion might occur on his refusal. On 12 May , Strafford was taken from the Tower of London and publicly executed. Another problem appeared in the threat of Protestant sectarians who believed that God held supreme authority in heaven and on earth.
In effect, these sectarians had forfeited their allegiance to the authority of man and the laws governing conduct within the state, whether under king or parliament. Their belief in the supreme law of God led them to purify both Christianity and the state. Hansard, , Charles called parliament in hopes of financial support, but dissolved it when MPs begun to announce their own grievances to the King in what became known as the Short Parliament.
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To Puritan parliamentarians Arminians had threatened the security of a pure Christian theology and the authority of parliament. Alleviation of tensions was somewhat achieved between England and Scotland following the Treaty of Berwick in , and the meeting of the Long Parliament began in Parliament passed a number of measures, including the abolition of forced taxation, Ship Money, and monopolies.
Furthermore, it passed the Triennial Act that demanded the 17 Bucholz and Key, The English and the Scots shared faith in the Presbyterian Church, preventing many to desire violent engagement with the other. The rise of John Pym in the House of Commons and the removal of censorship in England, combined with a wave of newspapers and pamphleteering, created a growing public space in which politics and civic matters were debated. His pamphlets, especially Some Observations , stand out as exemplary works of sophisticated and poignant expression at a time when London witnessed a wave of anti-royal publications.
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What Charles needed most from parliament was financing. Charles raised his finances outside of parliament through the sale of monopolies and privatized government services. Pym supported the confiscation of Royalist property and issuance of both a county and excise tax to fund their army. Supposedly, the coronation oath confirmed this constitution with its inclusion of an obligation to obey the law of St. Edward, and carrying on to the Magna Carta.
In expressing parliamentarian support for an ancient constitution, John Pym said of the obligation, the Conqueror …the assurance and possession of the Crown he obtained by composition, in which he bound himself to observe these and other ancient Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom, which afterwards he likewise confirmed by oath at his Coronation: from him the said Obligation descended to his Successors. While population centers drew radical ideas, pamphleteers, their printers and the eye of the court, J. The parliamentary debates of the s began to turn away from the details of the ancient constitution, and toward the rhetorical tradition whose republican character emphasized the sovereignty of the people and constitutional government, as discussed above.
The custom of the King- in-Parliament was confirmed by the ancient constitution and therefore created the point at which law could be created or denied. Furthermore, the image of kingship Parker responded to in The True Portraiture represented an image no longer resonating with a growing number of the people of England. The debate over the source and character of a sovereign state as it appeared in early modern Europe was contestable.
Allegiances largely remained to local landlords, dukes or other nobility who arbitrated disputes within their part of the realm. The civic association Hotman describes in Francogallia is informed by antiquity and his sources are overwhelmingly composed of classical writers and medieval chroniclers.
Mornay defined the Huguenot commitment to deposing a tyrannical king. This remarkable historical work, in contrast to Calvinist resistance theory, stays close to Aristotle and Cicero when discussing first principles. What emerges is a constitutional argument on behalf of the ancient authority of the French people in civic association. Once distinctly separate peoples, the Franks and Gauls were united in their election of Childeric whose father and king of the Franks recovered Celtic liberty from the Romans, leading to their coalescence as a single state. The authority of the people, 5 Hotman, The Calvinist resistance movement focused on the right of citizens 9 Hotman, That is, citizens, not their representatives, could act against a king who had violated the conditions of kingship when he forfeited his fictional persona as representative of the state.
Further, they believed it their moral right to defend the lawfulness of the state since the state existed for the welfare of the people. In contrast, Francogallia relies on the representative body of the people to enforce the conditions of the realm and buttresses its council with concrete historical constitutional obligations rather than the abstract rights, which informed the Calvinist resistance movement. Parker declares in the introduction of Some Observations to discover the efficient and final causes of parliamentary and royal authority.
Hexter, ed. Barbara C. Malament Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, , His support for French custom grew after discovering the lack of Roman law influence in France under the Merovingians. Unlike Hotman who describes civic association in Francogallia as societas civitas, Parker understands civic association in England as purposive; it was the common good. By publishing The True Portraiture in , Parker could defend the deposition of monarchy when the threat to the commonwealth was immediate. The king had already taken leave from his people and openly attacked them with his army.
Charles had acted in the ways Calvinist supporters argued justified deposition of a tyrannical ruler. He had acted without regard for the law, which bound him to present himself to Parliament, bound him to protect the safety and welfare of his people and to reject benefiting Catholic authority. What separate them 18 Hotman, Parker did not have the time to produce a work comparable to Francogallia, since his audience was watching and participating in on-going events. What separates Parker from Hotman in scholarship is also what distinguishes him in populist support.
As an agent of change, he must work quickly alongside the events in which he was emerged. It was an issue of focus. Unlike Hotman, Parker was working from within as parliamentarian and later Secretary to the Irish Army under Cromwell. His visibility remained high and placed him at some palpable threat. Francogallia will remain among the foremost texts of the religious wars in France and of constitutional theory in Europe. Parker has not received such attention until recent years and due to the limited content of his work, they do not offer so deep a reflection into the history of political ideas in sixteenth century Europe.
In the seventeenth century, monarchs functioned constitutionally as both head of state and head of government. The king was both maiestas realis and maiestas personalis21 That is, the king functioned as both ruler of his physical subjects and representative of the empire as head of state. In England, the king remained 21 Ernst H. Charles melding of public and private personae extended the conception of kingship begun by his father King James I. James had understood himself as both public 22 Kantorowicz, Combined with the dismissal of the Short Parliament Charles had projected the image of a king of solidarity authority.
Thus, it is no surprise that Roman concepts of liberty revived during the Italian Renaissance informed the parliamentarian arguments against Charles and the Royalists. Reason of state became a criticism levied by Englishmen to characterize a leader whose rule had 25 Stephen L. Burns Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , Henry Parker was one of those Englishmen who identified reason of state as an emblem of rhetoric distinctly useful to tyrants and characteristic of the English experience with monarchy.
In doing so, the work of these writers can be understood as drawing on an established historiography which has produced texts fundamental to our understanding of seventeenth-century political thought. By appropriating ideas across cultural and historical contexts Parker moved his audience as civic circumstances demanded. First, to connect past crises with his support for the importance of constitutional government, and second, to move away from the limitations of the ancient constitution and the support it received through custom in common law courts and the image of the king.
In The Case of Shipmoney Parker uses a Roman conception of liberty to show how the arbitrary authority of prerogative places the people of England in a state of slavery. Parker argued against the authority of the ancient constitution on behalf of neo-classical principles of law1 inherited by the English people from Roman sources 1 J. Pocock distinguishes neo-Bartolism writers, including Hotman, as searching for the original meaning of the fundamental principles of law as they were inherited from their Roman sources, including conceptions of liberty.
In Francogallia, Hotman appealed to customary law on account of it belonging contextually to France. Parker is echoing the humanist writers warning that if a people exist in a state of slavery, the virtues of justice, fortitude and temperance are diminished, their relationship to the ruler becomes that of master to servant and the vita activa is diluted.
The result is a non-republican state, incapable of producing virtuous outcomes and contrary to the conception of liberty parliament supported. Observations was 4 Skinner, Visions of Politics, By efficient cause, Aristotle intends the primary source of a thing,12 and by final cause the natural and purposive source of a thing. The Aristotelian syllogism aims to supply proofs to the reader15 and lacks an emphasis on eloquence.
In seventeenth century England the supremacy of common law adaptations of Roman law remained in dispute. Royalists focused on the immemorial character of the ancient constitution and a search for precedents proving the like. Thus, the king becomes the constitution and remains the sole authority of the realm such that his word is the constitution.
Many common lawyers themselves understood prerogative as a fundamental result of the process by which laws were created. In court, artificial reason stood for professional law and was manmade. In seventeenth-century century English thought natural reason was most frequently believed to represent custom as it was practiced within the community. The distinction represented the expertise of the legal profession, and the ability of these barristers to take into account both natural and artificial law. In Observations, Parker argued against the law of royal prerogative, and asserted its subservience to the natural law of salus populi.
The result is that Parker questioned the king as sole authority of the state. Parker agreed the king is the sole person the people have conveyed consent in; yet he argues the people themselves are the source and purpose of final authority in law by virtue of their consent. As previously notes, Parker uses the maxim salus populi to represent the original authority of the people according to natural reason. Thus, the people represent the end of good government in England. The True Portraiture is a direct assault on the image of the king shortly after the execution of Charles I on 30 January It would have been otherwise quite unnecessary for Parker to condemn an image of the king as wholly unaccepted.
The image of Charles I represented a dramatic shift from the rule of his father James I. Several editions were printed, including this edition to which was added A Political Catechism, wherein Parker defends the authority of the parliament against royalist claims. Colonel Hutchinson wrote the following description c. Men of learning and ingenuity in all arts were in esteem, and received encouragement from the king, who was a most excellent judge and a great lover of paintings, carvings, gravings sic and many other ingenuities.
Thomas N. Corns Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , Corns Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , 54, 61, In A Vindication Symmons explicitly compares the life of Christ to that of Charles and what the future may bring: In a word, as Christ was belyed, slandered, betrayed, bought and sold for money, reviled, mocked, scorned at, spit on…and at last put to death; even so hath the King been used in all respects, by his rebellious people, who have alreadie acted all the parts which the Jewes acted upon the Son of God…. The text of Eikon includes the papers returned to the king in following their capture at Naseby.
An associate of Symmons, John Gauden appears to have methodized the near final work, attempting to publish it under the name Suspiria Regalia, or The Royal Plea. It was not until it was in the printing-shop that the name Eikon Basilike was chosen. Furthermore, the society holds a pair of ornately decorated gloves given to the Bishop of London by Charles shortly before his execution. The collection of relics following Charles execution was fundamental to the establishment of cults such as this one. The ideas supporting the ritual and image of the king create coherence beyond their allegorical character.
James asserted his royal prerogative against parliament and declared himself King of Great Britain. Equestrian portraits themselves represent great distinction. The Roman Empire excluded anyone but the emperor alone from equestrian portraits, emphasizing majesty and virtue. The influence of ancient Rome remained powerful sustained by the belief that the past held ancient truths useful in resolving present conflicts.
Parker argues that in the legal world, as in the physical world, reason without God cannot yield peace or happiness. The belief that the king himself was anointed by God to rule by divine right and head of the Church of England dually placed him at the center of religious and civic authority. As mentioned, the place of ecclesiastical authority held importance for Parker.
However, it was not to be supplanted or used to disguise tyranny. Parker argued for rule by civic law, produced by a representative body and legitimate through the consent of the people. Religious law had no place in guiding civic matters. Civic law was intended to protect the safety and welfare of the people.
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The Parliament had succeeded in being rid of a king, but they continued to have trouble succeeding in uniting the kingdom. Civil war erupted in Ireland in the summer of and Henry Parker was appointed secretary to the Irish army under Cromwell, himself commander in chief. The True Portraiture differs from Observations in that it attacks the royal image, the very character of King Charles and kingship itself.
It forcefully argues that England has been governed not by a tradition of rightful heirs but by a tradition of tyranny by royal deceit. By , Parker had transformed from a onetime loyal subject, common lawyer, the son of a parliamentarian and prominent family serving England, to a chief 66 Jordan, 36, Braced by republican virtues and intolerance for absolutism, Parker abandoned his common law and scholastic models to create a rhetorically styled response to the image of Charles I.