In this vein, my article uses representations of vulnerability to trace the complex interplay of multiple narratives, and highlights previously underexplored and potentially significant areas of discursive convergence. What is more, it uses the feminist theory of vulnerability, articulated above, to highlight the progressive, regressive, divergent and convergent ways in which differently positioned policy-actors represent the term. Analytically, my article draws on traditions of critical discourse analysis CDA. CDA facilitates a consideration of the mutually productive relationship between local acts of representation e.
It suggests that individual narratives, espoused by individual speakers, exist in a co-productive relationship with a range of externalities, including materiality, ideology and power. The primary task of the critical discourse analyst, then, is to identify and provide exposition on these relationships, and explore what kind of world they create and sustain. This displaces the centrality of the speaker in discourse: re-orienting our gaze towards the social constitution and constituting power of speech.
Similarly, critical discourse analysis disrupts the direction of our gaze, by positing a socially constituted subject, whose cognitions are shaped by language.
In this way, as with vulnerability theory, it disrupts liberal notions of subjecthood. Accordingly, my article sought to explore how policy-actor representations of prostitution drew on and contributed to related externalities and did so with an understanding that the policy-actors I spoke to were working with socially constituted cognitive frames. What this achieved was a perspective of policy-actors as engaged in a collective endeavour of interpretation and representation, made meaningful by the sometimes shared, sometimes divided, socially mediated discourses available to them.
In turn, this allowed for a consideration and evaluation of co-occupied discursive and ideological spaces, and how we might go about joining together seemingly incompatible ideas. Indeed, I use the feminist theory of vulnerability to show just that — narratives otherwise depicted as ideologically incongruous can be persuasively brought together if looked at through a vulnerability lens.
What I did not do was consider how embodiment might disrupt these notions of collectivity and co-occupation. The importance of this realisation dawned on me slowly and — like many an important realisation, I am sure — only after my viva.
Sensing the city; artists, embodiment and urban space #2 | Waymarking The Sketchbook
It took place in a windowless room and everyone was kind. I know from the minutes — generously taken on my behalf — that my examiners were, on the whole, convinced by my efforts to complicate dominant depictions of prostitution policy debates. They queried, however, why my concluding chapters offered little in the way of policy recommendations or — at the very least — hope for the future. I had shown consensus in places others only saw conflict: surely, they said, this was an observation I felt inclined to pursue.
In response, I suggested that policy recommendations would almost certainly result in an immediate re-polarisation of debates, organised not around representations of prostitution per se, but rather the question of what to do next. In deference to this, I had avoided moving beyond representations themselves; wishing, instead, to sit with the nuance and complexity I had somehow manage to uncover. This, I explained, felt powerful. My examiners were persuaded, but their question has bothered me ever since — not because I feel I should provide policy recommendations, but because I think my original analysis fell short in capturing why doing so felt so futile.
My viva response was, and continues to be, true. But I fear it was only part of the story. Policy narratives are not only said, but held and withheld, possessed and abandoned, and my work had not yet begun to address that. During the course of my research, they described each other as racists, sexists, and paid for by vested interests.
They repeatedly accused each other of foul play and suspect motives. They told stories of poisonous encounters, verbal duelling, and even physical attacks. They expressed an unwillingness to share physical space with their adversaries, or at least trepidation in doing so.
In the interests of getting to the ideological core of their arguments, I looked past these stories and claims, and focused on their representations of prostitution. I was less interested in what — if I am entirely candid — felt like largely counterproductive squabbling, and more interested in the divergent and convergent ways in which differently positioned policy-actors represented the substantive issues at hand.
I was less interested in the tenor of the debate, and more interested in the debate itself. And this approach yielded meaningful results, allowing me to disrupt prevailing and reductive understandings of a contentious dialogue, and present something ideologically complex. Save for Later. About this Item Space and place have become central to analysis of culture and history in the humanities and social sciences. Printed Pages: Bookseller Inventory Ask Seller a Question. About this title Synopsis: Space and place have become central to analysis of culture and history in the humanities and social sciences.
Making Place: Space and Embodiment in the City
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Making Place examines how people engage the material and social worlds of the urban environment via the rhythms of everyday life and how bodily responses are implicated in the making and experiencing of place. The contributors introduce the concept of spatial ethnography, a new methodological approach that incorporates both material and abstract perspectives in the study of people and place, and encourages consideration of the various levels--from the personal to the planetary--at which spatial change occurs.
In British Parliamentarians engaged in heated debate about how to rebuild the House of Commons chamber, which had been destroyed in Some argued that its rebuilding should have been used as an opportunity for expansion to improve its formerly cramped conditions, reshaping it from a rectangle into a semicircle. Prime Minister Winston Churchill, however, sided with opponents by insisting that the new building should conform to the size and shape of the old.